Seven Days in May

2020 ◽  
pp. 61-93
Author(s):  
Paul Matzko

President Kennedy’s concerns over the Radio Right grew throughout his term in office. At the time, the administration worried about the prospect of a right-wing military coup led by someone like recently cashiered Army General Edwin Walker, especially after he headlined a campaign-style national tour called Operation Midnight Ride with conservative broadcaster Billy James Hargis. The final straw was the wave of conservative attacks on the president’s proposed Nuclear Test Ban Treaty with the Soviet Union in the summer of 1963. Kennedy responded to the rise of the Radio Right by commissioning a strategy document from labor union leaders Walter and Victor Reuther. This “Reuther Memorandum,” as it became known, called for targeting conservative broadcasters with extra regulatory scrutiny by the Internal Revenue Service and the Federal Communications Commission.

Author(s):  
Kyle Burke

The Iran-Contra scandal halted much of these paramilitary campaigns in the late 1980s. That was because it required many of the most important actors, John Singlaub among them, to spend much of their time testifying in Congress and preparing legal defenses, rather than working overseas. Within a few years, the collapse of the Soviet Union made the anticommunist international obsolete. Still, the ideas and impulses that had animated it lived on. Those legacies were most evident in the rise of the private military firms abroad and the radicalization of the right-wing paramilitaries at home.


Jimmy Reid ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 159-192
Author(s):  
W.W.J. Knox ◽  
A. McKinlay

The chapter explores his vain attempts to be elected as a full-time national official of the AEU defeated by the right-wing of the union’s leadership. It also exposes the organisational deficiencies of Reid; a man capable of motivating and inspiring workers but unable to build a mass power base within the political or industrial arenas. It also discusses critically Reid’s narrative concerning the road to leaving the CPGB as well as the reception to his decision both within the media and among the party membership. We contend that international events such as the Prague invasion were secondary influences, rather we argue it was events nearer to home that were more influential. Thus, we discuss how the rejection of the concept of the revolutionary party by the CPGB in favour of broad-based parliamentary alliances narrowed the ideological chasm between communists and the Labour left. Indeed, the only issue dividing them was the continued support by the former for the Soviet Union; something that Reid had begun to reject. The other factor was his dissatisfaction with party democracy. Reid left in 1976 and joined the Labour Party two years later. Fast tracked by the left he stood as Labour candidate in 1979 in Dundee where he suffered the same fate as in 1974.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 56-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radoslav A. Yordanov

This article examines the policies of Warsaw Pact countries toward Chile from 1964, when Eduardo Frei was elected Chilean president, until 1973, when Frei's successor, Salvador Allende, was removed in a military coup. The article traces the role of the Soviet Union and East European countries in the ensuing international campaign raised in support of Chile's left wing, most notably in support of the Chilean Communist Party leader Luis Corvalán. The account here adds to the existing historiography of this momentous ten-year period in Chile's history, one marked by two democratic presidential elections, the growing covert intervention of both Washington and Moscow in Chile's politics, mass strikes and popular unrest against Allende's government, a violent military coup, and intense political repression in the coup's aftermath. The article gives particular weight to the role of the East European countries in advancing the interests of the Soviet bloc in South America. By consulting a wide array of declassified documents in East European capitals and in Santiago, this article helps to explain why Soviet and East European leaders attached great importance to Chile and why they ultimately were unable to develop more comprehensive political, economic, and cultural relations with that South American country.


2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 66-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Tal

A proposal drafted by General Lauris Norstad for the creation of a limited inspection zone in Central Europe and in the Arctic Circle—a proposal that came to be known as the Norstad Plan—evolved out of President Dwight D. Eisenhower's Open Skies proposal. The proposal, based on ideas promoted by Eisenhower's disarmament adviser, Harold Stassen, departed from traditional U.S. disarmament policy. The plan was eventually aborted by West Germany and France, but the document heralded a shift in Eisenhower's disarmament policy. The president was ready to give up the all-or-nothing approach and adopt an incremental approach. To this end, the United States would make concessions that would render U.S. proposals more acceptable to the Soviet Union. The plan adumbrated the conceptual change that paved the way for the Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and the Non-Proliferation Treaty.


Author(s):  
Alp Kayserilioğlu ◽  
Dorothea Schmidt

In the light of the Charlie Hebdo massacre, this essay seeks to analyse and understand the objective conditions and power relations within the capitalist world system as they have unfolded since the end of the Soviet Union. Its specific point is to understand the role of the leading strategies and practices of imperialism and of socalled „political Islam“within these conditions and power relations. The main strategies aim at fostering bonapartist, fascist and right-wing ideologies at home, in the dominant imperialist countries that is, and structurally reactionary/„Islamist“ ideologies in the periphery to, both, strengthen the leading factions of capital in the imperialist centres. The essay claims that the only viable option for the left is to remain independent of and in active opposition to the strategies of imperialism. Furthermore the left will have to take up the fight against creatures such as the Islamic State that were provided a fertile ground and nurtured by imperialism. It also concludes that the left has to defend and engage its own independent democratic and socialist perspective countering both the powers of imperialism in the centres and reaction in the periphery.


2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 624-641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian E. Crim

That the Wehrmacht participated fully in a racial war of extermination on behalf of the National Socialist regime is indisputable. Officers and enlisted men alike accepted the logic that the elimination of the Soviet Union was necessary for Germany's survival. The Wehrmacht's atrocities on the Eastern Front are a testament to the success of National Socialist propaganda and ideological training, but the construct of “Judeo-bolshevism” originated during World War I and its immediate aftermath. Between 1918 and 1923, central Europe witnessed a surge in right-wing paramilitary violence and anti-Semitic activity resulting from fears of bolshevism and a widely held belief that Jews were largely responsible for spreading revolution. Jews suffered the consequences of revolution and resurgent nationalism in the borderlands between Germany and Russia after World War I, but it was inside Germany that the construct of Judeo-bolshevism evolved into a powerful rhetorical tool for the growing völkisch movement and eventually a justification for genocide.


Author(s):  
Michael Stanislawski

For a short while after Rabin’s death, right-wing politicians and religious leaders became less inflammatory, but soon Israeli politics returned to normal. The swing from left to right repeated time and time again: parties on the left, the middle, and the right have been riven by splits into smaller parties, which therefore inevitably hold the balance of power, while the country as a whole is split down the middle on domestic and foreign policies. “Transformations of Zionism since 1995” tracks the results of recent elections, notes the importance of the huge increase in immigrants from the Soviet Union, describes the modernization of the Israeli economy, and highlights the dramatic rebirth of Orthodox Zionism.


Sociology ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marit A. Berntson

Fascism dominated politics and society in the 1920s and 1930s and resulted in one of the world’s most destructive wars. The enormity of the suffering has led to an interest in fascism and its origins, with the hope that understanding what it is and why it occurred will prevent it from happening again. The sociological study of fascism is historical, interdisciplinary, and comparative. A key feature of the scholarship is the debate about fascism’s definition. Because it was the world’s first fascist regime, some claim that the characteristics of Italian fascism under Mussolini should form the basis for the definition, or that Italian fascism is the only instance of fascism. Others argue that the political ideologies and groups that marked the first half of the 20th century had a number of features in common and that, although fascism played out differently in national contexts, a generic definition is possible. Recent scholarship points to a consensus in favor of a generic definition. Fascism promised a solution to the divisions and decay wrought by liberal democracy and communism through mass mobilization, national cleansing, and national rebirth. Roger Griffin said fascism was “palingenetic populist ultranationalism” (Griffin 1993, p. 26, cited under Definitions). Whether fascism manifests as an intellectual current, social movement, political party, or regime also figures in its definition because fascism’s form affects what it can do. Some comparative research focuses on differences between fascism and other authoritarian, conservative, or right-wing groups, as well as relations between fascists and these groups. Since the rebirth that fascism promises usually entails controlling biological and cultural reproduction, women’s roles in fascist ideology and regimes have been the subject of recent studies. Scholars have also likened fascism to religion, for its reliance on myths, symbols, rituals, and commemoration in both ideology and practice, and have studied fascism as an example of totalitarianism, often in comparison to communist Russia. Debates about the definition of fascism are inextricably linked to theories of its emergence. Some scholars explain fascism’s origins by looking at intellectual, cultural, political, or economic factors. Others claim that the only way to understand why fascism occurred is to study its leaders and their intentions (e.g., Adolf Hitler), and its members, voters, and supporters. The definition of fascism and its organizational form also affect which countries are studied, whether for case or comparative analysis. Italy and Germany have received the most attention, but many other countries are the subject of inquiry too. Some scholars have examined dozens of countries in an effort to classify them as fascist or otherwise. The scope of fascist studies expands as new insights emerge, as more disciplines become involved, as new methods of inquiry are developed, and as new sources of data become available, such as archives in Russia, eastern Europe after the fall of the Soviet Union, and the Vatican. Finally, many scholars are preoccupied by the possibility of fascism’s return in today’s far right in countries all over the world. These are studies for which questions about definition and origins are also important, but perhaps more pressing are concerns about the activities of these groups and whether they pose a threat to democracy and, if so, how to contain them.


Freedom Roots ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 227-280
Author(s):  
Laurent Dubois ◽  
Richard Lee Turits

This chapter examines the tragic dialectic between Caribbean governments seeking to implement socioeconomic change in the 1960s and U.S. opposition and intervention in response. The chapter explores, first, how after the 1950s Cuban insurrection triumphed, a radicalizing dynamic unfolded between popular support for deep socioeconomic changes, leadership eager to implement those changes, and U.S. economic and armed intervention to stop them (including the Bay of Pigs invasion). U.S. opposition began in a serious way following Cuba’s sweeping agrarian reform, which came at the expense of vast U.S. sugar and ranching interests. U.S. economic warfare pushed the Castro dictatorship to develop trade and eventually build an alliance with the Soviet Union. Second, the chapter illuminates the dynamics of reform, revolution, and intervention in the neighbouring Dominican Republic. There, Juan Bosch’s reformist and nationalist social democratic government was overthrown by a military coup backed by conservative elites. The coup leaders had reason to expect and soon received U.S. government recognition, despite the overthrow of a liberal democratic government and Bosch’s relatively modest agrarian and other reforms. When Dominicans took to the streets to restore Bosch to office, a U.S. military invasion of the island quashed their effort.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-416
Author(s):  
BENITA BLESSING

With a slight shrug of the shoulders, a middle-aged, middle-class man describes his teenage years as a member of the Hungarian punk scene: ‘we were right-wing punks. Because this was full communism’. This sentiment is echoed throughout Lucile Chaufour's documentary stroll down communist memory lane. We were angry teenagers, her interview partners tell the camera; we were unhappy, we hated communism, we hated the Soviet Union, but we loved Hungary, and anti-government sentiment in a left-wing regime turns a hard right.


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