Campaigning in a Racially Diversifying America

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Loren Collingwood
Keyword(s):  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
El Paso ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Maximum Effect ◽  
Institutional Barriers ◽  
White Voters ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
The U.S

As the United States moves toward a majority-minority country, candidates for public office must increasingly make appeals to voters from a range of racial and ethnic backgrounds. In 2008, Barack Obama did this to maximum effect with white voters across the U.S. Most recently, in 2018, Beto O’Rourke nearly became the first Democratic senator from Texas since the 1990s. O’Rourke, who grew up in El Paso, speaks Spanish and is extremely knowledgeable about border issues and immigration policy more generally, which translated into strong support and turnout among Latino voters. In Campaigning in a Racially Diversifying America: When and How Cross-Racial Electoral Mobilization Works, Loren Collingwood examines the specific case of how and when white/Anglo candidates mobilize Latino voters, and why some candidates are successful whereas others are not. Drawing on extensive data collection, statistical analysis, and archival evidence, Collingwood traces the development of cross-racial mobilization across the U.S. South and the Southwest since the 1940s. Extensive cross-racial mobilization is most likely to occur when elections are competitive, institutional barriers to the vote are low, candidates have previously developed a welcoming racial reputation with target voters, whites’ attitudes are racially liberal, and the Latino electorate is large and growing. Collingwood convincingly argues—and empirically demonstrates—that to maximize the vote across the racial aisle, white/Anglo candidates must develop minority-group cultural competence and group-specific policy expertise. With these qualities, and maximum efforts at cross-racial mobilization, non-co-ethnic candidates can begin to approach the electoral benefits previously thought only accrued to co-ethnic candidates.

Immigrant Incorporation in an Era of Weak Civic Institutions

2011 ◽  
Vol 55 (9) ◽  
pp. 1189-1213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis DeSipio
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Community Engagement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Immigrant Incorporation ◽  
Institutional Barriers ◽  
Naturalized Citizens ◽  
Introductory Article ◽  
Civic Institutions ◽  
The U.S

In this article, the author analyzes five domains of immigrant incorporation and participation in the United States—civic and community engagement among immigrants; naturalization patterns; immigrant (and co-ethnic) partisanship and electoral behaviors; the election of naturalized citizens, and their U.S.-born co-ethnics, as elective officeholders; and immigrant transnational efforts to influence the civic or political life of their communities or countries of origin—in an effort to highlight both the opportunities immigrants and naturalized citizens have seized in U.S. politics and the barriers, particularly, institutional barriers, they continue to face. Although the primary analytical focus is immigrants in the United States, the author is attentive to the challenge raised by Irene Bloemraad (2011 [this issue]) in her introductory article to identify opportunities for comparative insights from the Canadian case. As will be evident, the author ultimately identifies more apples and oranges in the comparison of the U.S. and Canadian cases than peas sharing an analytical pod.

The Geopolitics of Mobility: Immigration Policy and American Global Power in the Long Twentieth Century

2018 ◽  
Vol 123 (2) ◽  
pp. 393-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul A. Kramer
Keyword(s):  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Belonging ◽  
Policy Regimes ◽  
American Law ◽  
History Of ◽  
Immigration Politics ◽  
The U.S

Abstract While the history of U.S. immigration policy has traditionally been directed “inward,” toward questions of American law, institutions, policy regimes, and modes of national belonging, an emerging historical scholarship is asking how U.S. immigration policy has been shaped by U.S. foreign relations. This essay draws together, builds on, and transforms this literature by foregrounding new questions of transnational, imperial, and global inequality in the making of U.S. immigration politics and policy, and by problematizing not only closures and exclusions, but selective openings in the U.S. immigration regime. Despite conventional claims that immigration is and has been a matter of “domestic” politics, in fact, U.S. immigration policy has long been self-consciously engaged with transnational realities. Indeed, as the essay argues, while serving as a way that Americans could define the nation against an “outside,” U.S. immigration policy has simultaneously been instrumentalized to project U.S. national-imperial power out into the world. This geopolitics of mobility has taken wide-ranging, overlapping, and often contradictory forms: the pursuit of labor power, the management of overseas colonies, the diffusion of U.S. goods, practices, and values, the building of legitimacy, the containment of enemies, and the rescue of friends. An imperial history of U.S. immigration control has the capacity both to frame new historical inquiries and to draw attention to the crucial ways that many migrants to the United States have already been enmeshed in U.S.-centered fields of power long before they approach the recognized boundaries of the U.S. state.

Inner Contradiction to Immigration Quagmire: A Response to Rogers Smith

2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 559-562
Author(s):  
Edwina Barvosa
Keyword(s):  
Identity Formation ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Identities ◽  
Economic Downturn ◽  
Mexican Immigrant ◽  
The Social ◽  
Unresolved Conflict ◽  
The U.S

The question of how to understand and address longstanding—and at times violent—hostility toward Mexican immigrants in the United States remains pressing. In his essay, Rogers Smith attempts to describe a just immigration policy, one that could ease anti-immigrant conflict, based on obligations upon the U.S. government that arise from its coercive shaping of the social identities and aspirations of Mexican immigrants. Smith is correct to focus on the conflicts between intersecting and contradictory factors that affect identity formation among immigrants, but I argue that a focus on similar conflicts among those who hold strong anti-immigrant views suggests that such contradictions may also be animating anti-Mexican immigrant hostility. Among the most important of these may be those arising from the American dream—a formative narrative that encourages euphoria about socioeconomic possibilities but that cloaks underlying economic instabilities, exploitation, and widespread vulnerabilities. The pain of these contradictions, typically unacknowledged by those whom they affect, can spike in times of economic downturn, exciting anti-Mexican immigrant sentiments that provide an outlet for the rage and agony of unresolved conflict.

scholarly journals IMMIGRANT FAMILY SEPARATION, FEAR, AND THE U.S. DEPORTATION REGIME

2018 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Elizabeth ARANDA ◽  
Elizabeth VAQUERA
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
At Risk ◽  
Young Adults ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Immigrant Family ◽  
Family Separation ◽  
Undocumented Status ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
The U.S

In 2018, President Trump changed a long-standing policy of keeping families who cross the United States border together; instead, he ordered that parents be detained separately from children, drawing a national outcry that led to his administration walking back the practice. Drawing on 50 in-depth interviews with undocumented young adults in the state of Florida, USA, we argue that the practice of family separation through immigration policy is not new. We illustrate how our sample’s undocumented status puts them at risk for family separation under the current ‘deportation regime’ that creates a heightened and all-encompassing fear about the possibility of family separation.

Latino Millennials—The New Diverse Workforce: Challenges and Opportunities

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna Maria Blancero ◽  
Edwin Mouriño-Ruiz ◽  
Amado M. Padilla
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Linear Process ◽  
Leadership Roles ◽  
Aging Workforce ◽  
Diverse Workforce ◽  
The World ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities ◽  
The U.S

There are a variety of trends that are enabling and forcing organizational change. A crucial trend that has implications for a changing and growing demographic workforce includes Millennials and in particular Latinos/Hispanics as the world and particularly the U.S. workplace continues to have an increased aging workforce. Yet, while Latinos are members of the largest and also the fastest growing minority group in the United States, they are disproportionately underrepresented in more highly compensated professional and leadership roles across corporate America. The majority of existing career development and acculturation literature in the United States has focused narrowly on Anglo-oriented acculturation as a linear process. Unfortunately, as society has evolved so has the form of prejudices and biases. This is supported by the fact that well more than 50% of Hispanics experience discrimination through a variety of means including micro-aggressions. We believe that developing and maintaining an overlapping and compatible bicultural identity might not be enough and that we need to rethink what acculturation and biculturalism means for millennials and broaden our thinking to include cosmopolitanism as more encompassing of the millennials and their place in the world. We believe this article begins the dialogue for more research into this growing part of the U.S. workforce along with practical implications and applications.

scholarly journals Retrospective Study of Incidence and Survival for Patients with Hematologic Malignancies Residing at the U.S./Mexico Border

Blood ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 134 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 4782-4782
Author(s):  
Alfonso Enrique Bencomo ◽  
Andres J Rubio ◽  
Mayra Alejandra Gonzalez ◽  
Idaly Maria Olivas ◽  
Joshua Lara ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Cancer Patients ◽  
Myeloid Leukemia ◽  
El Paso ◽  
Hematologic Malignancies ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Blood Cancer ◽  
Hispanic Patients ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
The U.S

Introduction: Hispanics represent the largest minority group in the United States (U.S.), with 57.5 million individuals (18% of the population). Most U.S. Hispanics are of Mexican origin (63.2%), followed by Puerto Rican (9.5%), Cuban (3.9%), Salvadoran (3.8%), and Dominican (3.3%), but distribution varies by state. The majority of Hispanics in the U.S. reside in the Southwest region, and >11 million live in the state of Texas. Cancer is the leading cause of death in the Hispanic population, accounting for 21% of deaths in people of all ages. Health disparities for Hispanic cancer patients have previously been linked to disproportionate poverty and other barriers to optimal healthcare, and in the case of acute myeloid leukemia (AML) and acute lymphoblastic leukemia (ALL), Hispanics were found to be diagnosed younger and to have worse overall survival (OS) than Non-Hispanic whites (NHWs) (ACS. Cancer Facts & Figures for Hispanics/Latinos 2018-2020). However, little is known about incidence and survival for Hispanic blood cancer patients residing at the U.S./Mexico border. To understand the impact of Hispanic ethnicity on outcomes for blood cancer patients diagnosed in this area, we examined OS in adult patients with hematologic malignancies throughout the state of Texas compared to Texas Health Service Region (HSR) 10, encompassing El Paso County. Methods: We retrospectively reviewed data available from the Texas Cancer Registry for hematologic malignancies diagnosed in the state of Texas between 1995 and 2016, focusing our analysis on chronic and acute leukemias (both myeloid and lymphoid), myelodysplastic syndrome (MDS), and myeloproliferative neoplasms (MPNs). Survival for Hispanic and NHW groups was compared using the log-rank test, and Cox regression analyses adjusting for age and diagnosis. Differences in age at diagnosis were evaluated using t-tests and generalized linear models. Similar analyses compared Hispanic patients from HSR 10 versus Hispanic patients from the rest of Texas. Research was conducted according to a local Institutional Review Board-approved protocol in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. Results: Of the 69,941 cases of hematologic malignancies with available information throughout the state of Texas, 18.29% self-identified as Hispanic. Surprisingly, in unadjusted analyses, Hispanic patients had significantly better OS than NHWs diagnosed with AML (p<0.0001), MDS (p<0.0001), and chronic myeloid leukemia (CML, p<0.0001), with no significant differences in OS for patients with ALL, MPN, acute promyelocytic leukemia (APL), or chronic lymphocytic leukemia (CLL). However, Hispanic patients were diagnosed at a significantly younger age in all diseases analyzed (Table 1), possibly explaining the improved survival. After adjusting for age, ALL (HR 1.32, p<.0001), CLL (HR 1.11, p=0.002), and CML (HR 1.15, p=0.008) showed significantly worse outcomes for Hispanics, with better outcomes in MDS (HR 0.92, p=0.0004), and no significant differences for AML, APL or MPN. Running the same analyses for the entire El Paso population versus the rest of Texas, we found no significant interaction except for a suggestion of a greater ethnic disparity in CML patients from El Paso (p=0.06). We also compared Hispanic patients diagnosed in El Paso versus Hispanics from the rest of Texas. Hispanics in El Paso had a significant reduction in OS compared to Hispanics in other areas of Texas for patients with ALL (p=0.0164), AML (p<0.0001), and CML (p=0.0160), but not for patients with APL, CLL, MDS, or MPN. Again the negative effects become less marked after adjustment for age, as those diagnosed in El Paso tended to be 3 years older at diagnosis than elsewhere in Texas. In analyses adjusted for age and diagnosis, there was again a suggestion that differences between El Paso and the rest of Texas were greater in Hispanics than NHW (p=0.08). Conclusions: While Hispanic patients with AML, MDS, and CML had significantly better OS compared to NHWs in Texas as a whole, this could be explained by a significant reduction in the age of diagnosis for Hispanics. However, when comparing across Texas, El Paso Hispanics with ALL, AML, and CML have a worse prognosis than in the rest of the state. There appears to be evidence that disparities in outcome by ethnicity may be different in El Paso compared with the rest of Texas. Further study is required to identify factors responsible for the disparity in OS. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

scholarly journals Understanding of Mexican Migration to the United States: Rifts and Challenges

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rana Basam Khan ◽  
◽  
Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti ◽  
Ghulam Mustafa ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Paso ◽  
Rio Grande ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Migration ◽  
Mexican Migrants ◽  
Social Defense ◽  
Basic Segment ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
The U.S

It has been decades since legislative issues have thought about social, defense, and compassionate issues of migration which has become a touchstone in U.S strategy discussion. Mexican migration to the U.S started in 1848. It has proceeded to the present with no critical interference, something that makes this work movement very particular as a basic segment of the American work advertise. Generally started with enormous development, driven by starvation, political problems, open doors in the U.S; that point eased back, tightened, or unexpectedly finished, from 1850 to 1882, similar to the case of the Chinese. The details show that Mexico is a key source of settlers in U.S and has long been a major source of enemy contact with refugees, but so many have been focusing on Mexico and not the other countries which have also become major sources of illegal immigrants. The United States and Mexico are bordered with California, San Diego, and Baja California, Tijuana, and the Pacific Ocean. The boundary stretches eastward to El Paso, Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua, Texas, on the Rio Grande. From that point the border continues south-east along the Rio Grande River until the end of it in the Gulf of Mexico. Border stretching of over 1945 miles is insufficiently regulated. Only old solid markers, rusty safety clasp and spoiled dry fence posts can be found in many parts of the place, and the river Grande that over the centuries has continuously changed its course separating both nations. U.S endeavors to control passages and exit adequately have been focused principally along the most profoundly dealt transit courses driving to north. U.S. powerlessness to control all the Mexican boundary has proven that any Mexican involved in operating in the U.S seldom discovers that the frontier is an unlikely trap Through the span of the most recent 170 years, Mexican migrants have to a great extent worked in horticulture, farming, mining, and railroad development.

General Victoriano Huerta and the Mexican Revolution

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Friedrich E. Schuler
Keyword(s):  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
El Paso ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Hierarchy ◽  
National Leader ◽  
Army Officer ◽  
Revolutionary Regime ◽  
New Phase ◽  
The U.S

General Victoriano Huerta (1850–1916) stands out as the bête noire of twentieth-century Mexico. He was a career army officer who had attained the rank of general. Other generals and the old economic and social hierarchy supported him as a transitional national leader who could restore order following Francisco Madero’s revolution and presidency. Huerta has become the national bête noire because of his assumed responsibility for the assassination of Madero and his vice president, along with several governors and congressmen of the revolutionary regime. His seizure of power resulted in a new phase of the Mexican Revolution, the U.S. occupation of Veracruz, and his involvement with German Mexico and the area along the border with the United States. After going into exile, he attempted to return to power by invading Mexico. He was arrested by U.S. officials and interned at Fort Bliss, in El Paso, Texas, where he died during emergency surgery.

The Vexed Question of RDX Supply

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin F. Baxter
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
High Explosive ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Vexed Question ◽  
The U.S

In the spring of 1941, Britain began an active campaign to persuade the United States to manufacture RDX. The RAF case for RDX was presented in Washington by Air Marshal Sir Arthur “Bert” Harris. With strong support from Admiral “Spike” Blandy, chief of the U.S. Navy’s Bureau of Ordnance, the first British request was approved. The second “staggering” request for RDX came as a “bombshell.” The U.S. Army Ordnance Department authorities preferred to rely on the existing high explosive TNT.

scholarly journals Diverse Needs of Grandparents Raising Grandchildren: Qualitative Research in Malawi, South Korea, and the United States

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 609-609
Author(s):  
Youjung Lee
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Culturally Responsive ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
Phenomenological Approach ◽  
The United States ◽  
Custodial Grandparents ◽  
Healthy Development ◽  
Global Context ◽  
Intergenerational Caregiving ◽  
The U.S

Abstract Despite custodial grandparents’ significant contributions to their grandchildren’s healthy development, unique needs of older adults often remain unmet with a limited cultural understanding of intergenerational caregiving. Using a phenomenological approach, interviews and focus groups were conducted with 75 custodial grandparents in Malawi (n=29), South Korea (n=23), and the U.S. (n=23). Malawian grandparents presented financial and physical hardships; however, they experienced strong support from community. Korean grandparents reported similar needs as Malawian grandparents while additionally experiencing cultural biases toward grandparent-headed families (maternal grandparenting and adult child’s divorce). The U.S. grandparents disclosed increased needs for social support as well as family trauma with intergenerational impacts. The increase in custodial grandparent population across the world and findings from this comparative transnational research highlight the need for development of a model for culturally responsive practice with grandparent-headed families in a global context. Part of a symposium sponsored by the Grandparents as Caregivers Interest Group.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document