Devendra Fadnavis

2020 ◽  
pp. 52-67
Author(s):  
Pradeep Chhibber ◽  
Harsh Shah

Devendra Fadnavis, of the Bharatiya Janata Party, became the second-youngest chief minister of Maharashtra in 2014 at the age of 44. Belying expectations, he lasted a full five-year term in office governing the state renowned for its factional politics. His administrative skills were widely appreciated. He began his political career with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the student wing of the BJP, and gradually worked his way up the political ladder. Fadnavis has a long association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), where his father served as a pracharak. He attributes his poise and temperament to his upbringing in the RSS.

Subject The movement to create a separate Gorkhaland out of West Bengal state. Significance After Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government last month abrogated Jammu and Kashmir’s special constitutional status, and divided the state into two union territories, speculation grew that the Modi administration might try to hive off West Bengal state’s Gorkhaland region, currently administered by a semi-autonomous Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA). Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is aiming to strengthen its position in West Bengal, currently governed by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s All India Trinamool Congress (TMC). Impacts Agitation in Gorkhaland could set back tourism, a major source of income for the area, and India’s tea industry, a major employer there. The alleged exclusion of 100,000 Gorkhas from Assam state’s National Register of Citizens may hurt the BJP’s image in northern West Bengal. Gorkha politicians who have turned to the BJP may desert the party if higher-level officials continue to prevaricate over Gorkhaland.


Significance Meanwhile, the nationally ruling, Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s policy agenda for the restive, majority-Muslim state includes scrapping its special constitutional status and possibly reshaping its electoral boundaries. Impacts BJP attempts to revoke Article 370 and Article 35A of the constitution would attract opposition in parliament and in Jammu and Kashmir. The BJP’s delimitation plans for Jammu and Kashmir would likely pave the way for the state to have its first Hindu chief minister. Pakistan will appeal to other majority-Muslim countries to support its position on Kashmir.


Author(s):  
Ian Hall

This chapter examines the life and political career of Narendra Modi, from his origins in Gujarat to his time with the Hindu nationalist organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and his move into politics, first as a backroom figure and then as a politician. It explores too his time as Gujarat Chief Minister, from 2001 to 2014, and the political style he evolved to manage that state. It looks at Modi’s relationship with the Hindu nationalist tradition and the development of his version of Hindutva, which some term Moditva (Modi-ness). Finally, it lays out Modi’s rise to national prominence and his leadership methods as Prime Minister.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-70
Author(s):  
Vikas Tripathi ◽  
Tamasa Das ◽  
Sandhya Goswami

The unprecedented mandate in favour of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 2016 Assembly elections in Assam necessitates a careful understanding of the growth and consolidation of the party in the state. The BJP’s rise in the state can be understood in the backdrop of a favourable social base which has perceivably shifted from the Congress in recent years. Many factors have been responsible for this shift identifiable through a withering Congress dominance and political stagnancy of the AGP. An understanding of the political shift in Assam with the concomitant rise of the BJP is incomplete without a look into the party movement dialectics marking BJP politics. A blatantly vocal Hindutva rhetoric has been cast aside opting instead for a regionalized portraiture of Hinduism in the state. In this, localized sects and symbols have been inducted into the BJP’s campaign which infused a strong sense of regional identification among the mass of electorate.


Author(s):  
Gillum Ferguson

This chapter analyzes Ninian Edwards' long political career: as chief justice of Kentucky, as territorial governor for nine years, as U.S. senator, as U.S. minister to Mexico, and as third governor of the State of Illinois. Despite those distinguished titles, however, his record in office rarely rose above the uninspiring and occasionally descended into the ridiculous. Edwards sometimes acted foolishly, and some of the political difficulties in which he later found himself resulted from his own bad judgment. Moreover, his frequent displays of vanity, pomposity, and cynicism can make it hard to feel much warmth for him as a man. But despite all the obstacles placed in his path, Edwards strove to do his full duty toward the territory that had been entrusted to his care. For that, Ninian Edwards will always deserve the gratitude of the people of Illinois.


2020 ◽  
pp. 37-39
Author(s):  
Padmaja C S

Role of Saturn is very important in Political career. If Saturn is strongly placed in a birth chart, it promises the native, position of an Emperor, King or Head of the state or country. In the current context, it promises the native to become President, Prime Minister, Chief Minister or Cabinet Minister. Saturn’s influence on humans are contradictory and complex. Saturn, on one side can revitalize the native and catapult him to the status of a Country Head or ruthlessly, ruin and paralyze the native. Position of Saturn individually or in conjunction with planets brings us to a point, which eventually turns around the future prospects of the native. Saturn positioned in the 10th house takes the native to dizzy heights but it does not bring steep fall from power as is generally believed.


Subject The nationally ruling Bharatiya Janata Party's ambitions in West Bengal state. Significance West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee last month issued a fresh challenge to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), as she turned attention to the 2021 state election. In the recent general election, the BJP won just four fewer parliamentary seats in West Bengal than Banerjee’s All India Trinamool Congress (TMC). Impacts There will be frequent outbreaks of violence between TMC and BJP cadres in West Bengal. Banerjee will encourage external investment in the state and promise new jobs, hoping to appeal to voters. The BJP’s rhetoric over immigration could strain India’s relations with Bangladesh.


Significance The nationally ruling, Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) aims to retain its majority in the legislative assembly. Meanwhile, petitions have been filed with courts in certain districts of the state seeking removal of mosques which the plaintiffs say were constructed illegally on sites where Hindu temples formerly stood. Impacts BJP strategists will in the coming months step up efforts to appeal to the party’s Hindu nationalist base in UP. Victory for the BJP in the UP elections would boost the party’s morale after mixed results in 2021 state polls. UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath could be a future prime ministerial candidate.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


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