Politični položaj na Slovenskem leta 1919

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (24) ◽  
pp. 144-176
Author(s):  
Junaidi Awang Besar

Malacca is a state that has a mix of voters of 58 percent of voters are ethnic Malays. Malay voters in the state known for its rigid and fanatical supporters of UMNO makes the majority of Malays in the country contributed to a major victory for the BN/UMNO in the general election. The state is known for its legendary Hang Tuah with the slogan "Tak Melayu Hilang Di Dunia" has loyal voters who support UMNO is also a sacred Malay party since before independence. But since the 2008 general election, Chinese voters who originally also supported BN have turned to DAP and other opposition component parties. Urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese voters continue to be dominated by DAP and its allied opposition parties. The culmination of the 14th General Election (GE), 2018, finally the state fell to the opposition party pact, Pakatan Harapan (PH) with a slim majority with 15 DUNs won by PH compared to 13 DUNs controlled by BN. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the State of Melaka in Malaysian geopolitics in the pre-GE-14, GE-14, and post-GE-14. Based on the analysis of GE 2018 results data, field observations and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings show that PH's success in capturing the Melaka from BN is an amazing event and beyond the expectations of all parties. However, the political change was due to national issues and the determination to bring down BN by voters, especially the young or first-time voters. Although PH managed to capture the Melaka PH only won with a slim majority of only 2 DUNs. PH win in urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese and the BN/UMNO continues to excel in the rural areas and the majority ethnic Malays. Then when BERSATU left PH and formed the National Alliance (PN) together with BN/UMNO, PAS, GPS, and GBS which controlled the Federal Government in March 2020 then the Melaka State Government also fell from PH to PN led by BN as a result of the party jump by two BERSATU assemblymen, one PKR assemblyman and one DAP assemblyman made PN controls 17 DUN seats while PH only has 11 DUN seats left. Such is the science of politics, nothing is impossible and politics itself is dynamic, artistic, and sometimes difficult to anticipate. Therefore, all parties must accept the political decision of the people of Melaka and give the opportunity to the leadership of the State Government to carry out their responsibilities as rulers in this state to implement the manifesto or 'commitment' during the five years of their rule in this historic state.


Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-34
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub ◽  
Osman Md Rasip ◽  
Muhammad Uzair Azizan

This article discusses on the Islamic-Malay political transition which focuses at the state of Kedah starting from 2008 up to the ‘Menteri Besar’ crisis in 2016. The revolution of Islamic-Malay politics in Kedah started drastically after the previous 12th and 13th general election. The support of Islamic-Malay voters in Kedah is greatly affected by public policy issues which arise during general election period. The political tsunami has given the opposition, especially PAS, the chance to lead the State Government of Kedah for the first time in history after the independence of Malaysia. New policies are developed during PAS’s administration period which gives impact to the politic, economy and society especially in strengthening the status of Islamic-Malay. Be that as it may, PAS’s position was seen to be in danger as the 13th general election draws nearer since there were handful of political issues at the state level and other issues which fails to be handled gently by PAS. As a result of this, UMNO has succeeded in getting back Kedah state government from PAS. The Islamic-Malay voters, as the dominant race in Kedah, have shown their dynamic political inclination based on the leadership trend demonstrated by both parties in their administration. In light of the above, this article discusses the issues, development and solutions which influence the Islamic-Malay voters in Kedah from 2008 to 2016.Keywords: Islamic-Malay politic, political tsunami, political revolution ABSTRAK: Artikel ini membincangkan mengenai transisi politik Melayu-Islam melalui fokus di negeri Kedah bermula dari tahun 2008 hingga krisis pertukaran Menteri Besar pada 2016. Dinamika perubahan politik Melayu-Islam di Kedah bermula secara drastik selepas berlangsungnya pilihan raya umum ke-12 sehingga ke-13 yang lalu. Pelbagai isu berkaitan kepentingan masyarakat yang timbul menjelang pilihan raya umum ke-12 lalu telah mempengaruhi sokongan pengundi Melayu-Islam di Kedah. Kemunculan tsunami politik telah memberi peluang kepada parti oposisi khususnya PAS untuk mentadbir Kedah buat kali pertama semenjak merdeka. Sepanjang tempoh pentadbiran PAS di Kedah, dasar-dasar baru telah diperkenalkan oleh kerajaan negeri sehingga menghasilkan pelbagai impak politik, ekonomi dan sosial khususnya dalam memperkukuhkan kedudukan Melayu-Islam. Namun, kedudukan PAS di Kedah semakin terancam menjelang pilihan raya umum ke-13 menerusi pelbagai krisis dalam politik peringkat negeri dan isu-isu semasa yang gagal ditangani sebaiknya oleh parti berkenaan. Kerencaman isu yang berbangkit menyebabkan UMNO berjaya menguasai semula kerajaan yang sebelumnya ditadbir oleh PAS. Trend kepimpinan dalam tempoh tujuh tahun memperlihatkan bahawa wujudnya kedinamikan politik dalam kalangan pengundi-pengundi Melayu-Islam yang merupakan masyarakat dominan di negeri berkenaan. Oleh hal demikian, artikel ini secara terperinci mengupas isu-isu, perkembangan dan penyelesaian yang mempengaruhi pengundi-pengundi Melayu-Islam khususnya di negeri Kedah dari 2008 hingga 2016. Kata kunci: Politik Melayu-Islam, tsunami politik, perubahan politik


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.


1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (5(74)) ◽  
pp. 72-75
Author(s):  
A.B. Shumilina ◽  
O.A. Artyuhin ◽  
A.A. Krickaya

The article examines the peculiarities of the organization of local government in modern Russia, explores the peculiarities of its interaction with the state government, identifies the essential characteristics of local government, defines its role in the system of political governance and public power


2002 ◽  
Vol 06 (01) ◽  
pp. 27-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anjula Gurtoo

The State Government of one of the largest states of India restructured its financially unviable electric utility - North Electricity Board (NEB) - into three independent corporations and announced its plans for subsequent privatization of NEB. The State Government argued for initiation of restructuring and privatization as a move to attract capital investments for meeting the growing demand and make the entire operations financially viable. An 11-day strike by the employees, which occurred as a response to the initiation of this radical organizational change, was the largest ever in the last 25 years of Indian labor history. The employees united under one umbrella employees association and negotiated with the government. Despite nation-wide support for the employees and the wholehearted unification of the employees, the strike ended with the acceptance of trifurcation by their union leaders. The dynamics involved in the process of restructuring and the employees' strike highlight the political and economic motivations of the various stakeholders in this organizational change process. In view of this, the issue facing the organization, post-strike, is how to get out of this current unpleasant situation and move forward.


Author(s):  
Nicholas R. Seabrook

As the results of the 2002 election flashed across their television screens, Texas’s congressional Republicans could be forgiven for feeling a certain amount of dissatisfaction with the redistricting process in the United States. Their party had seen its share of the statewide vote in U.S. House elections increase from 49.8 percent in 1992 to 54.9 percent in 2002. Yet, even with this latest ten-point victory over the Democrats in the popular vote, they had once again failed to convert their increasingly dominant electoral support into a Republican majority in the state’s congressional delegation. A partisan gerrymander, passed in the wake of the 1990 Census and left largely intact by the district boundaries implemented by the federal courts following the 2000 Census, had allowed the Democratic Party to maintain its overall majority in the Texas delegation for more than a decade. The Democrats won twenty-one of Texas’s thirty seats in Congress in 1992, and managed to retain control of nineteen in 1994 and seventeen from 1996 to 2000, despite averaging just 45.8 percent of the two-party vote in these elections. In 2003, the Texas Republicans, armed for the first time with control of both houses of the state legislature and the governorship, undertook an unprecedented mid-decade redrawing of the state’s congressional boundaries. Though many Republicans in the state government were opposed to the idea of redrawing the district boundaries mid-decade, the effort was initiated under considerable pressure from Republicans in Congress, most notably House majority leader Tom DeLay (...


1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Washbrook

The period from the 1880s to the 1930s was one of major change in the political organization of India. Indians joined the British in the highest offices of state; government greatly increased its activity through legislation and through the trebling of taxation; elective institutions and legislatures steadily replaced the discretionary rule of bureaucrats; a nationalist movement of great size and force appeared; the means of communication—through road, rail and press—improved beyond recognition to bring together for the first time the diverse peoples of India.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 84-90
Author(s):  
Balaklytskyi A.

The article on the theoretical level explores the peculiarities of the transformation of the nation state in conditions of globalization in the context of contemporary realities. It is emphasized that globalization with varying strengths and intensities, that is, has uneven effects on the state and its components. In particular, if we take the form of the state, which includes the form of government, the form of state administrative-and-territorial system and political regime, then, given the empirical material of recent decades, we can conclude that globalization has a significant impact primarily on a political regime that is increasingly transformed towards the democratization and liberalization of public life. At the same time, globalization exerts less influence on such constituent forms of the state as the form of state government and the form of state administrative-and-territorial system, which is conditioned, among other things, by the specific nature of the latter. In particular, in the conditions of globalization, the form of state government of a modern state is transformed primarily in the context of the dynamics of the functioning of the system of higher power institutions in the state, and not in the context of a specific way of existence and expression of the system of supreme bodies of state power. At the same time, globalization affects on the development of democratic foundations of the organization and functioning of the system of public authorities, contributing to ensuring the practical implementation of the rule of law, regardless of the specific model of government (monarchy or republic), whose presence in the state is associated with a certain historical tradition of its development and level of its perception in the mass consciousness in society. Influencing on the form of state administrative-and-territorial system, globalization facilitates processes of regionalization as a complex process of redistribution of administrative powers between the state and its administrative-territorial units, as a result of which new governmental and institutional forms are gradually being formed, corresponding to the new role of regional state formations in the decision-making process at national and supranational levels. In addition, in the context of globalization, the democratic model of the political regime acquires special features related to the formation and functioning of supranational institutions and associations, within which the political domination of nation-states gradually moves to a new level, the ultimate stage of which is global governance. Also, globalization not only causes the corresponding transformations of the content of the traditional functions of the state, in particular, economic, political, social, etc., but also creates the appropriate prerequisites for the rapid development of new functions, the content of which previously had no independent meaning and was considered mainly as an integral part of some other function of the state (for example, the environmental and information functions of the modern state). Thus, it is concluded that the transformation of the state in the conditions of globalization is systemic and, at the same time, contradictory, because, on the one hand, it manifests itself both at the level of all its constituent elements of its form and at the level of the dynamics of its concrete activity within certain temporal and spatial limits (functions of the state), and on the other – it intensifies the multi-vector processes and even the tendencies of development of both individual constituents of the form of the state (for example, the form of the state administrative-and-territorial system) and the functions of the state, in particular, economic and social. Keywords: state, globalization, form of the state, functions of the state, political regime, democracy, state power


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-36
Author(s):  
Sohail Akhtar ◽  
Abdul Razaq

Allah Almighty sent Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH) as the last Prophet for the guidance of humanity. But sent Him as a model for human being in all discipline of life. The life of the prophet was a real example for the entire mankind in the all discipline of life. Whether he is a teacher or as a commander, as a ruler or as a head of the family, as a preacher or as a judge, no one seems second to you. In the same way, like other matters, he also gave guidance in political matters. For the first time in human history, truth was made a part of politics. The Prophet (peace be upon him) is the only person in history whose every action has been considered as the source of growth and guidance for humanity. Not only is there an example for people in every aspect of the Prophet's life, but the secret of success lies in following him. Like other aspects of life, where the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) has the status of a king and a general and a conqueror, he is the founder of an Islamic state. As the ruler of the state of Madinah, the Prophet (Peace Be Upon Him) used all the political strategies necessary for the management and administration of the state. This research paper highlights the political tactics and strategy of the Prophet (peace be upon him) as world best politician.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document