An Emerging Trend in Arab Migration

Author(s):  
Françoise De Bel-Air

The growing share of skilled and highly-skilled, often unmarried, young Arab women immigrating to the GCC is generally un-documented. Shedding some light on this population, therefore, will not only emphasize a new phenomenon, but it also, first, points at a new structural trend within Arab populations: the emergence of educated female professionals in Arab societies characterized by low female activity rates. Second, it challenges the dominant assumption that Arab migration to Gulf countries is a “male-only” phenomenon in which women are married dependents. This contribution aims at laying some ground to bridge the knowledge gap regarding Arab female highly-skilled workers in the Gulf. The study explores the proximate determinants—rise in age at marriage, development of female celibacy in the Arab world, expansion of female education levels—and structural conditions compelling an increasing number of Arab citizens, male and female, to seek better futures abroad. Findings, such as the widespread denial that patriarchal pressures are important factors in determining Arab female migration, question the categories used, including Arab, female, and Gulf migration patterns. The study also concludes that such partial results beg to be completed by a wider-scale survey involving highly-skilled female migrants from several Arab countries and systematically comparing their migratory patterns and experience.

Author(s):  
Aziz Douai

YouTube has enabled new forms of political dissent in Arab societies. This chapter examines the development and rise of YouTube in the Arab world. In particular, it looks at how this video exchange site is invigorating the online public sphere’s vigorous demand for political reform and respect for human rights. Specifically, this investigation explores how social networking capabilities have made YouTube an effective asset in dissidents’ arsenal among Arab activists. To examine the vibrancy of this fledgling online public sphere, the chapter scrutinizes how activists incorporated YouTube videos to shed light on human rights abuses, specifically police abuse, corruption, and brutality in two Arab countries, Egypt and Morocco. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the new campaigning modes that the Internet and YouTube have facilitated.


2019 ◽  
pp. 324-339
Author(s):  
Aziz Douai

YouTube has enabled new forms of political dissent in Arab societies. This article examines the development and rise of YouTube in the Arab world. In particular, it looks at how this video exchange site is invigorating the online public sphere's vigorous demand for political reform and respect for human rights. Specifically, this investigation explores how social networking capabilities have made YouTube an effective asset in dissidents' arsenal among Arab activists. To examine the vibrancy of this fledgling online public sphere, the chapter scrutinizes how activists incorporated YouTube videos to shed light on human rights abuses, specifically police abuse, corruption, and brutality in two Arab countries, Egypt and Morocco. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the new campaigning modes that the Internet and YouTube have facilitated.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-42
Author(s):  
Mahmoud Dhaouadi

This paper seeks to underline two features of transformation in the Arab world since the late 1960s. First, that region’s religious transformation or ṣaḥwah(awakening) has been a general and overwhelming phenomenon. The pulse of Islam’s global surge can be easily observed at various levels of contemporary Arab countries: the individual and the collective, as well as their political behavior and organization. Second, the great tension between the West and Islam, particularly after 9/11, constituted a sort of change in the relationship between these two parties. I argue that these tensions could be reduced and minimized if the West were to improve its linguistic and cultural ties with Arab societies. The perspective of cultural sociology is very helpful in clarifying how to enhance such a dialogue. I shed light on these two topics through what I call a Homo Culturus perspective.


Author(s):  
Aziz Douai

YouTube has enabled new forms of political dissent in Arab societies. This article examines the development and rise of YouTube in the Arab world. In particular, it looks at how this video exchange site is invigorating the online public sphere's vigorous demand for political reform and respect for human rights. Specifically, this investigation explores how social networking capabilities have made YouTube an effective asset in dissidents' arsenal among Arab activists. To examine the vibrancy of this fledgling online public sphere, the chapter scrutinizes how activists incorporated YouTube videos to shed light on human rights abuses, specifically police abuse, corruption, and brutality in two Arab countries, Egypt and Morocco. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the new campaigning modes that the Internet and YouTube have facilitated.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 255-264
Author(s):  
Fatih Chellai ◽  
Naima Boudrissa

AbstractThere are no studies and only limited data that compare the difference in mortality between twins and singletons in the Arab world. We studied the survival of 306,966 children, including 9,280 twins, over the period 1970–2013 in six Arab countries (Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Mauritania, Sudan and Tunisia) based on the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) database. With the use of relative survival models, we estimated the mortality of twins relative to singletons by including socioeconomic and demographic variables. This study confirms the results of previous studies on the excess risk of death of twins compared to singletons. There is evidence that excess mortality decreases with follow-up; in addition, male twins have a higher risk of death compared to females for all countries except Tunisia. Wealth index and education levels of women are factors that influence the risk of mortality. It is recommended that these findings are considered when performing future health and population strategies in these Arab countries.


Author(s):  
Maysoun Mansour Obeidat

This research dealt with a number of military alliances competing since (2011-2015) and until the present time in the yard of a number of politically and militarily troubled Arab countries, especially Syria and Iraq, which has been and still is formed in order to fight terrorism led "Isis" or the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, until it became not possible to achieve peace and security in these countries without resorting to military solutions, and those solutions Saudi Arabia's announcement on the tongue and the defense minister, Prince Mohammed bin Selman in mid-December / December 2015, the formation of "Islamic military alliance," which met with Trahibba and Asaaaly Arab and international levels, and at the same time there have been question marks and sharp criticism of the alliance by Iran and multiple militias Shiite without taking into account the declared aim Alliance, a counterterrorism Arab-led Islamic common, especially since the burning areas in the Arab world is witnessing three forms of alliances military: Shiite militias, irregular forces, and regional alliances, all of which led to the formation of the Islamic military alliance phenomenon inevitable required by the conditions in the region and the continuation of the policies enacted by King Selman bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud, to take the reins in the region, opening the door for Riyadh to take its place as a regional power , where he no longer leads the Gulf or only went Arab political and military efforts, but also the Muslim world, has been the formation of the alliance came in the framework of international legitimacy, the Arab, Islamic and international acceptance. However, some believe that the call for the formation of a Sunni alliance makes the Gulf countries are fighting terrorism under the umbrella of the Alliance sectarian, as some felt that the initiative speed and sudden announcement of the alliance has confounded political and military circles, where the coalition is still in great need of marketing and needs more time to turn to the military forces of hunting terrorism wherever and fight him.                                                         


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-175
Author(s):  
Yasir Saeed

The study was carried out Gender Disproportion and Political Representation: Case Studies of Egypt and Morocco. It is the topic which encompasses socio-politicaleconomic conditions of the women in Arab countries, and their different obstacles in achieving the appropriate status in society. This paper investigates the role of Arab women in politics. Content Analysis was used as a methodology for analysis of different theoretical approaches. Morocco and Egypt were selected as a case study in order to analyze women political conditions in Arab world. Combinations of patriarchy, conservative religious interpretations and cultural stereotypes have built a very strong psychological barrier among Arab population regarding women’s participation in the public sphere. The hierarchy of patriarchal tribal structure of several Arab societies in the history was another factor that contributed to this state of affairs. It is argued in the paper that the quota system is the only solution which may provide better representation of women in political sphere. At the end, researcher summed up by giving some suggestions for the prosperous future of Arab world.


Author(s):  
Islam Qasem

The mid-20th century marked the birth of higher education systems in the majority of the 22 Arabic-speaking countries. Driven by post-independence nationalism, ruling elites deemed education, including higher education, as a crucial part of nation-state building, next to the development of the army, bureaucracy, and economy. With government funding, new public universities were established throughout the region. Enrollment steadily increased as governments expanded access to higher education through lax admission and free or highly subsidized admission, and often guaranteeing employment for university graduates in the public sector. By the end of the 20th century, higher education became widely accessible in most Arab countries, but decades of neglect have led to a crisis in quality and research. Academic quality has deteriorated under the weight of decades of neglect from overcrowded classrooms, outdated curriculum, poor pedagogy, underpaid faculty, lack of quality mechanisms, strapped budget to limited autonomy. No more encouraging is the universities’ role as a center of knowledge discovery and innovation, given their lack of adequate qualified human and necessary physical resources. The low performance of public universities on the global ranking systems and the high unemployment rate among university graduates sums up the Arab higher education system’s inauspicious condition. During the last two decades, governments enacted various reform measures. To relieve overcrowded public universities and reduce public finance burden, countries in the region authorized private higher education. Consequently, the number of private universities has mushroomed, many of which are for-profit and exclusively focused on teaching. However, a shortage of cash and limited freedom to manage academic and administrative affairs continue to beset most public institutions. Some countries have made incremental changes, such as introduced measures to increase equity, endorsed new admission policies, and established accreditation and quality assurance bodies. The Gulf countries undertook far-reaching measures to transform the system. Cushioned by oil and gas revenues and a relatively small population, the six Gulf countries have invested considerably in upgrading public universities’ infrastructure, hiring faculty and administrative staff from abroad, and developing a research infrastructure including establishing new research-oriented universities. Consequently, the Arab higher education landscape has become increasingly diversified and with growing differences among countries. To compare the Arab countries on their current state of their higher education system, the countries are ranked on an index composed of three key aspects: access to higher education (gross enrollment ratio), equity (gross enrollment ratio for female), and publication intensity (citable documents per million inhabitants). The ranking shows the Gulf countries vying for the top spots. At the low end of the rank are countries which have been conflict-ridden or poverty-stricken.


Author(s):  
Ahmad A. Okasha

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has developed a young, vibrant, and innovative economy. The UAE is ranked 11th in the ease of doing business globally according to the 2018 world bank report on the ease of doing business. The UAE is ranked the first in the Arab World in terms of ease of doing business. The UAE has achieved this amazing ranking and is approaching the top 10 global economies in terms of ease of doing business. According to Arab Youth Survey, the UAE was selected as the top country Arab youth wish to live in. The UAE became even more attractive than the USA for Arab youth. The survey explores where young aspiring individuals in the Arab countries would like to live and work. Historically, many young individuals in the Arab region, excluding gulf countries, fancy immigrating and working in the US, Canada, Europe, or Australia. They were aspiring for a better live and better economic conditions. In the recent survey, Dubai and the UAE topped the traditional immigrant attractive countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-224
Author(s):  
Abdelkader Djeflat

The past few decades have been characterized by enormous wealth accumulation in many Arab countries—in particular, through the production of minerals such as oil and gas. Paradoxically, however, it is during this same period that pervasive inequalities and large portions of the population fell into poverty. The rising economic inequality in the region has been examined through different angles—income distribution, political regimes, social fragmentation, etc.—but rarely through the lens of inequality of access to science and technology in a world economy largely driven by scientific knowledge and innovation. This contribution intends to fill this gap through an in-depth examination of science and social inequality in the Arab World. This paper examines three main dimensions: the foundations of unequal and elitist access to science and technology in the Arab World; the limited access and further sidelining of already marginalized groups in Arab societies; and the potential implications of science and technology benefiting larger segments of the population. This analysis is illustrated with reference to examples from Egypt, but with particular focus on the Maghreb countries, Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia.


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