Conclusion

Author(s):  
Brooke A. Ackerly

Just responsibility is a transformative human rights politics for taking on the complexities, power inequalities, and social normalization of injustice itself. Just responsibility is a human rights theory of political responsibility in which we understand human rights as enjoyed and shared throughout political community (and human rights entitlements as a tool toward that end), political community as defined by its web of networks, not its boundaries, accountability as a political process of discernment, not a power relation, and leadership as a quality of political community, not of individuals within it. Found within and supported by the principles-in-practice of women’s human rights activists, this grounded normative theory of responsibility guides us in a human rights enhancing way to be accountable leaders in political transformation, taking responsibility for global injustice in a just way.

Author(s):  
Brooke A. Ackerly

Just responsibility is a way of taking responsibility for all forms of global injustice (not just women’s human rights) and to all people, even those who consider themselves removed from the politics of global injustice (though they want to be engaged). Chapter 7 applies the theory to taking responsibility through the enactment of roles in the political economy—those of consumer, donor, worker, and activist—and beyond. It summarizes the view of political community, accountability, and leadership essential to transformative politics. Just responsibility is more than a normative theory of human rights principles. It is also a normative political theory of how to carry out those principles not only in the practices proscribed by our roles in the political economy, but also in imaginative practices that defy the boundaries of those roles in order to transform the political economy. Just responsibility is a human rights theory of global justice.


Author(s):  
Brooke A. Ackerly

When disaster strikes, what is the just thing to do? When local or global crisis threatens the human rights of large parts of humanity, what is the just thing to do? Can we respond to injustices in the world in ways that do more than simply address their consequences? Just Responsibility provides a human rights theory of global justice that guides how we, each in political community together, can take responsibility for injustices wherever they are. Using empirical research into the ways that women’s human rights activists have done so under conditions of little political privilege, Just Responsibility offers a theory of global injustice and political responsibility that can guide the actions of those who are relatively privileged in relation to injustice, whether they are citizens, activists, academics, policymakers, or philanthropists. We can take responsibility for the power inequalities of injustice, what, following John Stuart Mill, the author calls “injustice itself,” regardless of our causal responsibility for the injustice and regardless of the extent of our knowledge of the injustice. Using a feminist critical methodology, Just Responsibility offers a grounded normative theory for taking political responsibility. The book integrates these ways of taking political responsibility into a rich theory of political community, accountability, and leadership in which taking responsibility for injustice itself contributes to and transforms the fabric of our political life together.


Author(s):  
Alejandro Saiz Arnaiz

Además de un instrumento internacional para la protección de los derechos humanos, el Convenio de Roma de 1950 es también un tratado concebido, en los términos del Tribunal de Estrasburgo, para el mantenimiento y la promoción de los valores e ideales de una sociedad democrática. Esta finalidad se encuentra muy presente en la jurisprudencia del Tribunal, en particular, aunque no solo, en el ámbito de los artículos 8-11 del Convenio y 3 del Primer Protocolo Opcional. Por otro lado, una jurisprudencia bastante reciente utiliza como criterio de identificación del ámbito de aplicación del margen de apreciación la «calidad» del proceso político nacional que ha conducido a la regulación general de la que trae causa una concreta injerencia en el derecho fundamental que el convenio garantiza. En este artículo se analiza tanto el concepto de democracia que resulta de las demandas decididas por el Tribunal como las exigencias que del mismo resultan para definir la extensión del margen de apreciación nacional.The European Convention on Human Rights of 1950 is not only an international treaty of protection of human rights, but also, in Strasbourg Court's terms, an instrument for maintaining and promoting the values and aspirations of a democratic society. This aim permeates all the case law of the Court, particularly in the field of articles 8-11 of the Convention and article 3 of the First Optional Protocol. On the other hand, the “quality” of the national political process has been considered in recent case law as a criterion for the application of the margin of appreciation doctrine. This paper analizes the concept of democracy shaped by the Court and its consequences for defining the extension of the national margin of appreciation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-22
Author(s):  
Eriza Khosakiyah ◽  
Vhika Meiriasari ◽  
Andini Utari Putri

This study aims to investigate the influence of the quality of human resources, government accounting system, and political process on the application of government accounting standards at the Ministry of Law and Human Rights of South Sumatra. The population was all 152 employees at the Ministry of Law and Human Rights. Data were collected through questionnaires to 40 respondents and analysed using multiple linear regression on SPSS V25. The results prove that partially the quality of human resources and the government accounting system affects the application of government accounting standards. Conversely, the political process has no effect on the application of government accounting standards. Simultaneously, the quality of human resources, government accounting systems, and political processes have an effect on the application of government accounting standards.


Author(s):  
David Matijasevich

Outside of some states still struggling with post-communist transitions, Europe itself may be the first European democracy to collapse in decades. Though never a bastion of participatory democracy and even subject to continuous criticism due to its democratic deficit, the European Union (EU) has provided hope to those who envision a post-national democratic political community. As such, whether the EU survives its present crisis or not, cosmopolitan democrats will look to the EU as a vindication of their ideals. Though perhaps surprising given their track record, this paper will argue that political scientists, especially those concerned with democratization, can also be optimistic about what the EU has brought to the table in terms of how we conceive processes of democratic development. Throughout the paper it will be demonstrated that the creation and maintenance of the European democracy has challenged much of the literature's fundamental assumptions of what makes democracy work. Five key lessons from the European democratic experience will be presented in an attempt to disrupt some of these assumptions including lessons regarding the diversity of the demos, the contingency of democratic upkeep, the challenges of the state, the role of elites in political transformation, and the necessity of exclusion within inclusive spaces. Though a general theory of democracy will not be presented, suggestions will be made as to how we can incorporate some of these lessons into the dominant approaches to democracy found in the literature.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.214


Author(s):  
E. Tendayi Achiume

This chapter uses the trajectory of the Southern African Development Community (“SADC”) Tribunal to chart sociopolitical constraints on international judicial lawmaking. It studies the SADC Tribunal backlash case, which paved the way for a curtailment of the Tribunal’s authority, stripping the Tribunal of both private access and its jurisdiction over human rights. Showing how jurisprudential engagement with sociopolitical context plays a significant role in explaining the Tribunal's loss of authority, the chapter introduces the concept of sociopolitical dissonance. Sociopolitical dissonance is a state that results when a legal decision contradicts or undermines deeply held norms that a given society or community forms on the basis of its social, political, and economic history. Sociopolitical resonance, on the other hand, describes the quality of affirming or according with a given society's norms as informed by its sociopolitical history.


Author(s):  
Shaun Bowler

This chapter analyzes to what extent variation in political institutions affects political support. The chapter observes that the existing research is not always clear on which institutions should produce what kind of effect, although a general expectation is that institutional arrangements improve political support when they give citizens an increased sense of connection to the political process. In general then, we should expect institutions that strengthen the quality of representation to strengthen political support. This general expectation is specified in six hypotheses that are tested using data from the ESS 2012. The chapter demonstrates that electoral systems that provide voters with more choice about candidates, multiparty governments, and “responsive” legislatures, correlate positively with political support. However, compared to other macro-level factors and individual characteristics, the effects of political institutions on political support are modest. The chapter concludes that the prospects for institutional reform to strengthen political support are limited.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document