Rich Russians’ Philanthropy

Author(s):  
Elisabeth Schimpfössl

Chapter 5 describes the networks of philanthropy that upper-class Russians have cultivated since the early 2000s in order to legitimize their wealth. It reports on the importance rich Russians attribute to the revival of Russia’s nineteenth-century tradition of elite philanthropy; the Orthodox church’s taboo against discussing one’s giving; and the preference for supporting healthy, deserving children. It also describes projects that provide educational opportunities, care for the sick, and those that strengthen Russian art and the intelligentsia. Finally, it identifies how philanthropy is being used as a lever to reshape civil society, restore trust in the social hierarchy, and fashion a new generation of supposedly deserving bourgeoisie. Overall, it suggests that bourgeois philanthropists have constructed complex ideas about their lives, their influence in the present, and their posthumous legacy.

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-432
Author(s):  
DIEGO ABENANTE

AbstractIt has generally been acknowledged that Sayyids, through their real or imagined connection to the Prophet, have represented a key trans-regional dimension of Islam. In the Punjab, the status of the Ashraf has been reinforced by their role as custodians of the Sufi shrines. In the Multan region, Sayyids and Qureshis acted frequently as pir and sajjada nashin for many Sufi dargahs. Their position, however, did not go unchallenged. The Chishti Nizami revival in the late eighteenth and nineteenth century saw the growth of an alternative religious network that competed with older families both religiously and socially. This process directly challenged the idea of inherited charisma and the established social hierarchy. Although reform movements are often considered to represent a shift towards a universal dimension of Islam, connected symbolically to Arabia and to the figure of the Prophet, the Chishti Nizami revival in Multan can be seen rather as a vernacularisation of Islamic authority. The movement favoured the social ascent of local tribes and non-Arab Ashraf families. The alliance between these groups would become a stable feature in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and contributed to the social status of Sayyid families being questioned.


1981 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Thomas Laborie Burns

The word of the age of Innocence is New York upper-class leisured society. There is a “younger set” that, surprisingly enough to us moderns, yields to its older relatives in matters of how to think and behave. The families that make up the characters in the time they lived, ‘the early seventies’, i.e. the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the 1870’s, and also because of the social environment in which they moved and found the meanings of their lives.


2006 ◽  
Vol 33 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 337-369
Author(s):  
LukአFasora-Pavel Kladiwa

AbstractAs opposed to German scholarship, the issue of municipal self-government and communal elites has not received much attention in Czech historiography. This represents a significant shortcoming: in the absence of an analysis of the mechanisms by which self-governing municipalities functioned, it is not possible to describe the constitution of modem civil society in the nineteenth century, including the development of national relations. This article provides an overview of relevant German and Austrian literature, proposes a methodology of research in the Czech environment, including an analysis of the use-fulness of individual types of archival sources, and offers preliminary results of the reviewers' research on the cities of Moravská Ostrava and Brno. Close attention is paid to the social-professional composition of communal elites, national and religious development, municipal economies with regard to communal companies, and the process of creating a modem state administration.


Author(s):  
Helena Simonett

This chapter presents a brief history of the accordion, from its experimental beginning in the early nineteenth century to its phenomenal rise as a truly global commodity, emphasizing the social predicament that relegated this instrument to a marginal position within the (educated) musical world. While the accordion at first was an expensive and hence exclusive instrument in upper-class drawing rooms, by the last quarter of the nineteenth century it had spread to the middle and working classes. The accordion of the nineteenth century was a symbol of progress and modernity as well as of mass culture and industrialization. This dichotomy is one of the reasons for the elite's ambivalence towards and uneasiness with the accordion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (9) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
José Gómez-Huerta Suárez

El ceremonial en el siglo XIX en México, era una herramienta que contribuía a establecer y consolidar lo social, resguardaba privilegios de la clase alta y legitimaba a un sector político. El ceremonial luego entonces es utilizado en ese siglo como un mensaje a través de formalidades y honores. Existen, desde luego, innumerables factores comprendidos en el concepto del ceremonial, como que es una forma de comunicación que se ocupa del protocolo, precedencias estructuradas de relaciones formales. Por lo tanto, revisaremos dos documentos de ceremonial en México en la primera mitad del siglo XIX, uno sobre el culto funerario de un presidente de México y otro relativo a los actos públicos o privados donde concurre el presidente de México.______________________________________The ceremonial in the nineteenth century in Mexico, was a tool that helped to establish and consolidate the social, protected privileges of the upper class and legitimized a political sector. The ceremonial then is then used in that century as a message through formalities and honors. There are, of course, innumerable factors included in the concept of ceremonial, as being a form of communication that deals with protocol, structured precedences of formal relationships. Therefore, we will review two ceremonial documents in Mexico in the first half of the 19th century, one on the funerary cult of a Mexican president and the other on public or private acts attended by the president of Mexico.


2020 ◽  
Vol 132 (4) ◽  
pp. 609-635
Author(s):  
Ellen Neslo

Abstract Social mobility in nineteenth-century Paramaribo: the extraordinary library of Johanna Christina Jonas (1799-1849)The free black teacher, librarian, and shopkeeper Johanna Christina Jonas lived in the slave society of Paramaribo, the capital city of Suriname, in the nineteenth century. Born into slavery, she was granted her freedom by her master. After her death an estate inventory was made which included a record of the library collection and the administration of debtors of the school, library, and bookstore. This article explores Johanna’s position and the role she and her school, library, and bookstore played in encouraging the social mobility of free people of colour in Paramaribo. The inventory gives us a nice glimpse of the reading behaviour of the citizens of Paramaribo in the nineteenth century. It turns out that Johanna was able to create more favourable conditions for free people of colour to improve their social position. With her school and library she allowed them to access a range of educational opportunities and a supply of books.


Slavic Review ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 747-768 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison K. Smith

During the first half of the nineteenth century, arguments over Russian social structure played a central role in discussions of eating establishments. The Russian state controlled these establishments in part through legislation that kept social groups apart; it focused particularly on the extremes of the social hierarchy, showing little interest in the middling groups. In more narrative descriptions of eating establishments, however, the middling groups—or their absence—seemed remarkably important. Foreign observers generally felt that Russia lacked both a middle class and middling eating establishments. Russians in part agreed, but by the middle of the century they were more likely to locate a middle class among one particular group: Moscow's merchants.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pushpendra Singh ◽  
Falguni Pattanaik

The Indian society is one of the most unequal societies of the world and divided into different social hierarchies of caste, class, religion, etc. Caste is a determinant of power, economic inequality, poverty and discrimination in contemporary India. When it comes to women, they face the dual burden of discrimination, first gender based and, second, caste based. The practice of discrimination persists between Dalit/tribal and upper-class women, but still, Dalit women are trying to come out of this unequal treatment. Hence, this study investigates the magnitude of discrimination among women workers in terms of the social hierarchy and relative factors responsible for workforce discrimination. Furthermore, this study examines the extent of wage differential between Dalit/tribal and upper-class women workers. The study has used the data of the 50th Employment and Unemployment Survey to the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) from 1993–1994 to 2017–2018 by the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO). In the first part of the analysis, this study explains how and why the women workforce is decreasing, particularly as far as Dalit/tribal women are concerned. Subsequently, the relative contributions of socio-economic conditions in the women workforce have been assessed using logistic regression. However, the second part of the study examines the wage differential between general and Dalit/tribal women and the extent of wage discrimination using the Oaxaca–Blinder decomposition method. The study reveals that the women workforce has been consistently declining and the vulnerability is intense among Dalit/tribal women. Furthermore, it has been observed that the social hierarchy (caste) is a decisive factor for the remuneration (wage) in the labour market and over the period of study, the wage discrimination between Dalit and upper-caste women has significantly increased.


2016 ◽  
Vol 109 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-511 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eliyahu Stern

“It is true,” conceded the Russian Minister of Education on 17 March 1841, those “fanatics” who held fast to the Talmud “were not mistaken” in ascribing a missionary impulse to his project of enlightening Russia's Jewish population. The Jews’ anxieties were understandable, Count Sergei Uvarov admitted, “for is not the religion of Christ the purest symbol of grazhdanstvennost’ [civil society]?” Since conquering Polish-Lithuanian lands in 1795, the Russian government had been unable to establish a consistent policy for integrating its Jewish population into the social and political fabric of the Empire. Most notably, it restricted Jews to living in what was called the Pale of Settlement, a geographic region that includes lands in present day Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Moldova, Belarus, and Lithuania. The Jews of the Empire were highly observant, spoke their own languages, and occupied specific economic roles. Buoyed by the reformist initiatives that had begun to take hold in Jewish populations based in western European countries, Uvarov hoped to begin a similar process among Russia's Jews.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 336-354
Author(s):  
Cyril Hovorun

Abstract Since its national awakening in the middle of the nineteenth century, the Ukrainian people have had two options for development: to pursue the modernist program of nation-building or to submit itself to the imperial projects that first the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires, then the Soviet Union, and lastly Vladimir Putin were trying to build. The Ukrainian Maidans of 2004 and 2013–14 indicated a third way, a via tertia: to developing a civil society based on civil values, such as transparency, justice, and solidarity. This third option is a way towards modernization. The Ukrainian churches found themselves at the crossroads facing the same choices—the modernist, imperialist, or civil. A public theology that advocates for a ‘symphony’ with civil society, instead of a traditional symphonic relationship with the state, suggests a way for the churches: it would make them coherent with the social developments in the country.


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