Explaining Black Descriptive Representation in State Legislatures

Gaining Voice ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 29-48
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Clark

Diversity in representative bodies is important to political scientists, with many focusing on the presence of African Americans in legislatures. This chapter examines black seat share and the black representation ratio in state legislatures, from 1992 to 2010. The findings show that while the relationship between black population and the black seat share is linear, the black population in a state has a non-linear relationship with the black representation ratio. This provides partial support for the expectation that because of racial threat, the relationship between black population and black descriptive representation is non-linear. Moreover, there is more to explaining black descriptive representation than the presence of African Americans. Legislative professionalism, the partisan attachments of voters, and the Latino population in the state are other important predictors of black descriptive representation in state legislatures.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-21
Author(s):  
Christopher T. Stout ◽  
Katherine Tate ◽  
Meghan Wilson

This article provides a broad review of research around black political representation in Congress and state legislatures. We begin by exploring trends in black representation in legislative bodies from Reconstruction until 2018. We then discuss controversies around the creation of majority-minority districts and the advantages and disadvantages of these districts for African Americans. Our investigation considers the legislative and empowerment benefits that blacks gain from being represented by someone who looks like them. We conclude by discussing potential areas for future research around descriptive representation and assess how growing diversity in the 116th Congress may matter for the numerous challenges the black community faces.


1986 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 65-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Grofman ◽  
Michael Migalski ◽  
Nicholas Noviello

We look at the most general feature of multimember districts (MMDs) as compared to single-member districting (SMD) plans: the higher likelihood of submergence of minority voting strength. We focus on data on black legislative representation between 1977 and 1982 in the 11 states with more than 15% black populations, and compare states which use MMDs with those that use SMDs. We also examine changes in black representation in states which shifted from MMDs to SMDs. In addition, for MMD state legislative elections in eight North Carolina counties between 1978 and 1982, we examine in detail the nature of minority submergence including the lack of geographic representativity of the persons elected from MMDs. The counties we examine contain four of North Carolina's largest cities and a substantial portion of North Carolina's black population. Unlike almost all of the previously published literature on racial representation in MMDs, our study deals with state legislative races and not local elections.


Author(s):  
Paul Schor

This chapter focuses on the relationship between the Census Bureau and African Americans. In the first half of the twentieth century, the history of the agency’s relations with the black population was one of an incomplete transformation. For the census, blacks were the most objectified inhabitants, to the point that slaves were deprived of names to become numbers in the population statistics, and the ones least likely to be viewed as subjects. At the same time, blacks as a category were always the object of particular attention in census reports. The chapter also describes the growing involvement of black authors and statisticians in publications for the black population; the career of Charles E. Hall with respect to the census, who became the first African American to be given supervisory responsibilities over black employees; and the Census Bureau’s relations with the African American business community.


Author(s):  
Christopher J. Clark

This book adopts a multifaceted approach to study of black state legislators across the country. Using the descriptive representation framework, multiple facets of black representation are studied. Black seat share is the primary facet considered, and it is measured as the proportion of seats held by blacks in the state legislature. The black representation ratio measures the black seat share relative to the black population share. Parity exists when blacks are represented in the state legislature at a rate that matches their population share. Legislative black caucuses are also studied in this work, representing the institutionalization of the black presence in state legislatures. The first half of the book shows that while black people are critical for explaining black representation in state legislatures, that institutional and non-racial demographic factors also account for the black seat share, black representation ratio, and emergence of state legislative black caucuses. A “demographics is destiny” explanation insufficiently accounts for blacks gaining voice in state legislatures. The second half the book considers the consequences of black representation in state government. On the one hand, a greater black presence increases education spending, black political involvement, and liberalizes black public opinion. On the other hand, an increased black presence is linked with less liberal welfare policy, in particular in places where Democrats hold the majority of state legislative seats. Thus, an increased black presence in the legislature can be seen as a double-edged sword.


2012 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 211-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M. Avery ◽  
Jeffrey A. Fine

We examine the relationship between the racial composition of state electorates and white racial attitudes, arguing that the racial threat hypothesis should characterize this relationship. Specifically, we make the case for why greater black electoral strength should lead to more racially conservative policy preferences and more negative racial stereotypes among whites. Our findings are consistent with this expectation. However, this relationship is dependent on two contexts. We find that black electoral strength mattered in the context of the racially-salient 2008 national elections, but not during the 2000 or 2004 elections. Also, consistent with the racial threat hypothesis, we find that black electoral strength influences racial attitudes only among whites who have greater reason to fear economic competition from African Americans. Overall, our findings are consistent with recent studies demonstrating that the influence of racial composition on white racial attitudes is dependent on context.


1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (02) ◽  
pp. 91-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. van Pelt ◽  
Ph. H. Quanjer ◽  
M. E. Wise ◽  
E. van der Burg ◽  
R. van der Lende

SummaryAs part of a population study on chronic lung disease in the Netherlands, an investigation is made of the relationship of both age and sex with indices describing the maximum expiratory flow-volume (MEFV) curve. To determine the relationship, non-linear canonical correlation was used as realized in the computer program CANALS, a combination of ordinary canonical correlation analysis (CCA) and non-linear transformations of the variables. This method enhances the generality of the relationship to be found and has the advantage of showing the relative importance of categories or ranges within a variable with respect to that relationship. The above is exemplified by describing the relationship of age and sex with variables concerning respiratory symptoms and smoking habits. The analysis of age and sex with MEFV curve indices shows that non-linear canonical correlation analysis is an efficient tool in analysing size and shape of the MEFV curve and can be used to derive parameters concerning the whole curve.


2021 ◽  
Vol 67 (6-7) ◽  
pp. 808-838
Author(s):  
Daniel K. Pryce ◽  
Joselyne L. Chenane

The relationship between the police and African Americans has been beset by a lack of trust for decades. Improving this relationship is important to scholars, practitioners, and citizens; as a result, we examine in this study African Americans’ trust and confidence in the police. Using trust questions found in the literature, we interviewed 77 African Americans in Durham, NC, to assess their views about the police. We found that for the police to earn the trust of African Americans, the police should treat African Americans equitably, invest in community policing, and respect African Americans. Although some respondents do not believe that their relationship with the police could be repaired, this is a small percentage of respondents, less than 5%.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Babaei-Aghbolagh ◽  
Komeil Babaei Velni ◽  
Davood Mahdavian Yekta ◽  
H. Mohammadzadeh

Abstract We investigate the $$ T\overline{T} $$ T T ¯ -like flows for non-linear electrodynamic theories in D(=2n)-dimensional spacetime. Our analysis is restricted to the deformation problem of the classical free action by employing the proposed $$ T\overline{T} $$ T T ¯ operator from a simple integration technique. We show that this flow equation is compatible with $$ T\overline{T} $$ T T ¯ deformation of a scalar field theory in D = 2 and of a non-linear Born-Infeld type theory in D = 4 dimensions. However, our computation discloses that this kind of $$ T\overline{T} $$ T T ¯ flow in higher dimensions is essentially different from deformation that has been derived from the AdS/CFT interpretations. Indeed, the gravity that may be exist as a holographic dual theory of this kind of effective Born-Infeld action is not necessarily an AdS space. As an illustrative investigation in D = 4, we shall also show that our construction for the $$ T\overline{T} $$ T T ¯ operator preserves the original SL(2, ℝ) symmetry of a non-supersymmetric Born-Infeld theory, as well as $$ \mathcal{N} $$ N = 2 supersymmetric model. It is shown that the corresponding SL(2, ℝ) invariant action fixes the relationship between the $$ T\overline{T} $$ T T ¯ operator and quadratic form of the energy-momentum tensor in D = 4.


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