TRENDS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE EVOLUTION OF THE INSTITUTION OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN MODERN RUSSIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 87-95
Author(s):  
D.L. TSYBAKOV ◽  

The purpose of the article is to assess the nature of the evolution of the institution of political parties in post – Soviet Russia. The article substantiates that political parties continue to be one of the leading political institutions in the modern Russian Federation. The premature to recognize the functional incapacity of party institutions in the post-industrial/information society is noted. It is argued that political parties continue to be a link between society and state power, and retain the potential for targeted and regular influence on strategic directions of social development. The research methodology is based on the principles of consistency, which allowed us to analyze various sources of information and empirical data on trends and prospects for the evolution of the party system in the Russian Federation. As a result, the authors come to the conclusion that in Russian conditions the convergence of party elites with state bureaucracy is increasing, and there is a distance between political parties and civil society.

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-179
Author(s):  
Andrey Vershinin

The article examines the issue of exercising the freedom of association in political parties in Russia in a comparative analysis with the leading democratic countries of the world. Modern democracies cannot be imagined without political parties, which are the representors of the interests of their voters in legislative bodies and local government bodies. The development of civil society and the entire political system in the country depends on how the freedom of association in political parties and the access of parties to participate in elections is realized. The development of legislation on political parties in the Russian Federation proceeded unevenly. In the first years after the adoption of the Constitution the legislative body did not introduce strict requirements for parties. The adoption of a special federal law on political parties in 2001 became a turning point in the development of the party system. The author identifies two large blocks of restrictions on the creation of parties. The first is legislative restrictions, the second is the restrictions that arise from the unfair activities of legislative and law enforcement agencies. In this work, legislative restrictions are compared with restrictions in other democracies, as well as based on legal positions developed by the European Court of Human Rights. The author comes to the opinion that some restrictions on the creation of parties are not necessary now, in the meantime they significantly narrow the possibilities of party creation and political competition. First, we are talking about a ban on the creation of regional parties. The Constitutional Court in its legal positions indicated that this restriction is temporary and will be lifted over time. Within the framework of this work, the author will give suggestions on changing the approach to the creation of political parties in Russia, which should affect the emergence of new strong parties at different levels of public authority. The author believes that a system of “controlled multiparty system” has developed in Russia, which is implemented both in changing the legislation on political parties based on the interests of the “party in power” and the practice of the registration body, which prevents the formation of new parties claiming to redistribute the existing distribution of forces. Based on the analysis of the legislation on political parties, law enforcement practice, decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the ECHR and the legislation of foreign countries, the author proposes approaches to reforming the existing party system, which include small cosmetic changes and large-scale changes in approaches to the creation of parties.


Author(s):  
Tatyana V. Troitskaya ◽  

Introduction. The socio-political sphere of the state is the foundation of its democratic development and a prerequisite for longterm state-building. The history of the development of the Russian state testifies to the absence of traditions of the formation of democratic institutions and their development. Social movements in the modern state are the mainstay of the development of the country’s political system and the prerequisite for the formation of new political parties. In accordance with the Federal Law “On Public Associations”, a public movement is a type of public association that has a mass character and pursues social, political and other socially useful goals. Taking into account the peculiarities of the current stage of constitutional and legal regulation of the activities of political parties, it is necessary to consider the issue of expanding the participation of social movements in the socio-political life and in the electoral process. Theoretical analysis. Today, Russia stands on the path of democratic transformation of all state institutions. The institutions of the socio-political sphere of civil society also need this transformation. The activities of political parties in a country with a stable constitutional framework are the basis for the exercise of state power. The functioning party system of modern Russia is not characterized by elements of completeness. Social movements, taking into account the Russian reality, could become a platform for the formation of competitive political parties in the future. Empirical analysis. The analysis of the content of the Federal Law “On the basic guarantees of electoral rights and the right to participate in the referendum of citizens of the Russian Federation” indicates the legal consolidation of such a concept as “electoral association”. This concept is introduced to define the subject of electoral actions in the process of holding elections at various territorial levels. Its content indicates that in the framework of federal and regional elections, these are primarily political parties. In elections to local self-government bodies, such an electoral association may be a public movement, provided that the purpose of participation in the elections is fixed in the statutory documents. Results. The natural process of forming political parties is related to their grassroots level of formation. Today’s Russian party system is in crisis, and small political parties do not enjoy electoral support. It is necessary to create legal conditions for the development of socio-political movements – as an organizational basis for the formation of political parties with stable political programs. The conclusion is formulated that among all the variety of social movements functioning in Russia, one can distinguish such a variety as socio-political movements and provide for their right to nominate candidates for deputies in single-mandate and multi-mandate electoral districts, as well as their participation in the implementation of public control in Russia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 84-88
Author(s):  
N. Zimina ◽  

The basis for the statutory regulation of political parties is the consolidation of relevant norms in the federal laws “On Political Parties”, “On Public Associations”, “On Basic Guarantees of Electoral Rights and the right to participate in a referendum of citizens of the Russian Federation”, “On Elections of Deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation”, “On Elections of the President of the Russian Federation”. Political parties have their own organizational and legal basis, have their own charter, program, leaders, their own goals and objectives, and perform certain functions. One of the goals of any political party is to participate in the political life of society, in solving its issues. One of the tasks of the party is to participate in public administration by representing the population’s interests during elections at various levels. The normative legal acts regulating the activities of political parties are updated and amended in accordance with the realities of the life of society. Amendments to the federal legislation on elections and on political parties have been adopted, and a number of conditions governing the establishment and functioning of political parties and their regional branches in the regional dimension have changed dramatically. The amendments to the federal law “On Political Parties” have changed the conditions for the establishment and operation of political parties, in particular, the minimum number of a political party’s members when it is created has been reduced to 500 members; the approaches to voting have been changed. These changes correspond to the state of the modern political process and are aimed at the development of political institutions, including political parties


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 54-60
Author(s):  
Aleksey S. Koshel ◽  

The new powers of the Russian Parliament in accordance with the Amendment to the Constitution of the Russian Federation of March 14, 2020 No. 1-FKZ “On improving the regulation of certain issues of the organization and functioning of public power” entrust the Parliament with additional responsibility for observing the rights and interests of the opposition. The concentration of political discussions from the street within the walls of the parliament should be the most important task of improving the legislation of the Russian Federation on parliamentary procedures, including with regard to the opposition, which clearly expresses the principles of multi-party system and political pluralism in the Russian parliament. The article analyzes the status of the opposition under Russian and foreign law, the powers of the opposition and the procedure for their implementation, the ability of the opposition to really influence the decisions made by the parliament, including the initiative to consider them (as in the case of the parliamentary investigation). The author comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to improve the status of the opposition in the Russian Federation, taking into account foreign experience.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-16
Author(s):  
O. V. Bakhlova ◽  
I. V. Bakhlov ◽  
E. G. Ulyasckina

Introduction. The Union State of Belarus and Russia is one of the privileged integration formats for the Russian Federation. However the Union State and the participating countries are under pressure caused by internal and external challenges including those rooted in the political dimension. The lack of the union-level political community and the weak institutionalization of public support for the Russian-Belarusian integration increase their danger. The purpose of this article is to identify the specifics of the perception of the Union State by the political parties of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus as an integration format taking into account the key vectors of the state integration policy articulated by them.Materials and methods. The main research methods include comparison, traditional and formal­ized study of documents. The research is based on the program texts of the political parties of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus – their of­ficial programs and charters, election documents, as well as their party websites and mass media.The results of the research. The analysis of these materials made it possible to characterize the dominants and constants of the party discourse in Russia and Belarus, to show the similar and distinc­tive features in it. The major issues concerning the integration policy,recorded in party documents are shown. Special attention is paid to the parties rep­resented in the national parliaments as having the greatest legal opportunities to influence the adop­tion of integration decisions. Almost all of these parties can be considered as pro-integration ones. At the same time, the limited political functionality of the parties in both countries and the lack of posi­tions on issues of integration policy and prospects for the development of Russian-Belarusian integra­tion elaborated in detail in the party programs are emphasized. The interest in the Union State in the party programs as a whole is inferior to the interest in the Eurasian integration.Discussion and conclusions. The necessity of increasing the political functionality of Russian and Belarusian parties as agents of union construc­tion is substantiated. The mechanisms of the federal and regional levels that allow Russian parties to become more active in this capacity are articulated. The trends in the evolution of the party system of the Republic of Belarus are revealed, which allow us to predict a relative improvement in the prospects for creating new pro-integration parties and promot­ing inter-party diplomacy with the participation of the leading parties of the Russian Federation in line with the public diplomacy of the Union State.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Liashenko

Attempts to build a “Russian world” within the former Soviet republics of Central Asia by introducing an idea of a single linguistic, cultural and political space with the Russian Federation are studied in the article. The threats to the Central Asian countries’ information space are analyzed. The data on gradual changing of orientations of the Central Asian states’ citizens when choosing sources of information is provided. It is concluded that the technologies of the Russian Federation’s propaganda in Central Asia are aimed primarily at the formation of the president of Russia positive image among the widest possible groups of population. Attempts to push so-called “the Russian world”, which already jeopardize global peaceful balance, are grounded, in particular, on a widespread use of the Russian language within the territories of the former USSR that serves to propagate an idea of a single linguistic, cultural and political space. At the same time, a revival and development of national languages and cultures are intensively ongoing in all new independent states. It provokes a confrontation that often causes points of tension and conflicts. A large number of the Russian media, including federal state editions, TV channels. the Sputnik news agency etc. operates in Central Asian information space. Using own controlled media, the Kremlin seeks to convince the Central Asian states’ citizens that the Russia’s foreign policy is a right one, as well as to form a positive image of Russia and president Putin as a politician who is capable to ensure stability and security in the Central Asian region. The Russian Federation pays a special attention to Eastern Kazakhstan, where a large number of ethnic Russians is concentrated. Kazakhstan has much in common with Ukraine on its ethnic population composition, economic situation and geographical proximity to Russia. As in Ukraine, the ethnic Russians make up about 1/5 of the population in Kazakhstan, meanwhile the Russian language is widely used in all spheres. Russia calls its initiative a “humanitarian project”, but there is no doubt that the Kremlin is fighting for minds of younger generation, trying to impose own culture and values on young people. Recently, while alternative sources of information have been spreading, more and more Central Asian habitants opt for online information in their national languages, considering Russianspeaking news resources to be a propaganda.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. A. Putintseva ◽  
E. V. Ushakova

The presented study summarizes the results of the implementation of liberal market reforms in Russia and reviews tools of the market economy that could solve the problem of distrust within Russian society.Aim. The study aims to define the underlying problems that stem from the peculiarities of the historical development of the Russian Federation and now hinder the advancement of our country to a new level of development, and to propose directions for solving these problems.Tasks. The authors summarize the socio-economic consequences of the implementation of liberal market reforms; define the problems of the implementation of a rent-based economy in modern Russia; prove that Russia cannot advance to a new level of development without solving the problem of social distrust; review the tools that could change the current situation of global social distrust (publicprivate partnership, proactive budgeting, clusters, territorial marketing, Far Eastern Hectare program, smart cities, incident management).Methods. This study uses general scientific methods of cognition to examine the results of the implementation of liberal market reforms, identify the problems of modern Russia, and determine the possible directions and tools of development.Results. Russia’s development is historically based on finding and living off the natural rent. This perspective significantly narrows the range of ideas about the potential development directions for the Russian Federation. The rent-based development options proposed today expose another common Russian trait — uncertainty, lack of risk appetite, pessimism, and fear of “things getting worse”. Implementation of democratic reforms in the context of rent-based economic institutions, lack of mutual trust within society, poor performance of courts — all this aggravates the current situation.Conclusions. Nowadays, Russia needs an economy that would create a demand for human capital and inclusive political institutions that would make people engaged in the life of the nation, allowing them to capitalize on their creativity without leaving their homeland.


Author(s):  
N. I. Briko ◽  
A. Ya. Mindlina ◽  
R. V. Polibin ◽  
N. P. Galina ◽  
A. S. Gorokhova ◽  
...  

Aim. The study the attitude of population towards the necessity of vaccination. Materials and methods. The survey about the attitude towards vaccination among different groups of population was held. In total there were 1209 respondents: 1031 students of medical, humanitarian and technical universities and 178 parents of children under 2. Results. The most positive attitude towards vaccination was shown by medical students (77%) and parents (71%) and only 33% and 37% of humanitarian and technical students correspondency realize the significance of vaccination. It is worth noting that large number of people could not define their attitude to vaccination. The majority of respondents notices the lack of knowledge about vaccination wherein less than 50% of respondents get the information from doctors. The rest gets it from different sources mostly from the Internet. About 80% of respondents would prefer to get answers to their questions about vaccination in the Internet. Conclusion. The adherence of population of Russia to vaccination has a rather low level. The main reason for it is the lack ofknowledge and availability of true information about vaccination. It is necessary to use diverse sources of information to provide the population with true facts about vaccination, its significance and safety via mass media and the Internet as well.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205-225
Author(s):  
Arkady Lyubarev

Correlation coefficients between the results of political parties in the 2016 State Duma elections in the Russian Federation as a whole and in 26 regions, as well as in the elections of regional parliaments of 35 subjects of the Russian Federation in 2012–2015 were calculated. For the 2016 State Duma elections, data was used at all levels – regions, single-member electoral districts, TEC and PEC. It is noted that the “United Russia” correlations with all major parties are generally negative. A fairly high level of correlation is observed between the liberal parties. The main focus is on correlations between parliamentary opposition parties and parties with similar names. The correlation coefficients between the results of parties and candidates in the State Duma elections of 2011 and 2016 and the Presidential elections of 2012 and 2018 were also calculated, showing the stability of the geographical distribution of the electorate of the main parties. Regional differences in the nature of correlations between the main political parties are noted. It is assumed that correlations between parties reflect not so much their ideological closeness as the social closeness of their electorate. In this regard, it is noted that a positive correlation between the results of ideologically distant parties (“Yabloko” and the Communist party or “Yabloko” and “Rodina”) is associated with their reliance on the urban electorate and, perhaps, its most educated part. The reasons for voting for spoiler parties and the role of these parties in reducing the results of the main participants in the elections are discussed.


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