scholarly journals Mekanisme Rekrutmen Calon Legislatif Perempuan dalam Pemilihan Legislatif Tahun 2019 (Studi di DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa Kabupaten Malang)

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahathir Muhammad Iqbal ◽  
Ahmad Syaiful Kurniawan

<p class="SammaryHeader" align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><em>Political parties play a role as a very strategic link between government processes and citizens. Each political party has a different recruitment pattern, where the recruitment pattern of party members is adjusted to the political system it adopts. In recruiting members and candidates for the 2019 legislative elections, DPC of the Malang Regency National Awakening Party provides equal opportunities for all citizens to compete in the selection process of candidates. The theory used is the recruitment of Pippa Norris who uses three indicators, namely: the certification stage, the nomination stage, and the general election stage. The type of approach used is qualitative using the case study method. The results of this study indicate that there are considerations taken by the National Awakening Party DPC to determine female members and candidates based on party regulations regarding the recruitment mechanism of members and candidates. Regarding this, the National Awakening Party DPC gave equal freedom to all citizens, both women and men, to become candidates. This is based on 3 indicators of the recruitment pattern of Pippa Norris, namely: first, the certification stage for candidates, the National Awakening Party DPC provides equal opportunities for everyone to run for party according to party regulations. Second, in the nomination stage, women candidates are given knowledge and skills by being obliged to enter the party underbow organization. Third, the election stage where women candidates are carried by parties to compete in legislative elections. Where women are only used as fulfillment of the 30% quota of women's representation in 2019 legislative elections</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords :</em></strong><em> Recruitment, women, political parties</em></p><p class="SammaryHeader" align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p><em>Partai politik memainkan peran sebagai penghubung yang sangat strategis antara proses-proses pemerintahan dengan warga negara. Setiap partai politik memiliki pola rekrutmen yang berbeda, dimana pola perekrutan anggota partai disesuaikan dengan sistem politik yang dianutnya. Dalam melakukan perekrutan anggota dan Caleg untuk pemilihan legislatif tahun 2019, DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa Kabupaten Malang memberikan kesempatan yang sama kepada seluruh warga negara untuk ikut bersaing dalam proses penyeleksian Caleg. Teori yang digunakan adalah rekrutmen dari Pippa Norris yang memakai tiga indikator, yakni: tahap sertifikasi, tahap nominasi, dan tahap pemilihan umum. Jenis pendekatan yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan memakai metode studi kasus Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa adanya pertimbangan yang diambil oleh DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa untuk menetapkan anggota dan Caleg perempuan berdasarkan peraturan partai tentang mekanisme perekrutan anggota dan Caleg. Perihal ini DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa memberikan kebebasan yang sama kepada semua warga Negara baik perempuan maupun laki- laki untuk menjadi Caleg. Ini berdasarkan 3 indikator pola rekrutmen Pippa Norris yaitu: pertama, tahap sertifikasi terhadap Caleg, DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa menyediakan kesempatan yang sama kepada semua orang untuk mencalonkan diri sesuai dengan peraturan partai. Kedua, tahap nominasi, caleg perempuan diberikan pengetahuan dan ketrampilan dengan berkewajiban masuk pada organisasi underbow partai. Ketiga, tahap pemilu dimana caleg perempuan diusung partai untuk bersaing pada pemilihan legsilatif. Dimana perempuan hanya dijadikan sebagai pemenuhan kuota 30% keterwakilan perempuan dalam pileg 2019.</em></p><strong><em>Kata kunci :</em></strong><em> Rekrutmen, perempuan, partai politik</em>

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Audra Jovani

This article explores women’s representation in politics in the Province of East Nusa Tenggara (Nusa Tenggara Timur/NTT) between 2014 and 2019. Since 2004, Indonesia has seen the implementation of a strategy to boost the level of female representation in parliament through affirmative action. However, the 30% target quote has not yet been achieved. Women’s representation in politics is an important indicator in the political system reflecting a recognition of the existence and interests of women as citizens. The success of the initiative is highlighted by the fact that the 2014 legislative elections saw female representation in the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD NTT) increase by 100% from the 2009 election representation levels. Using the case study method and analyzing the process, this article argues that NTT women already have the awareness to actively participate in politics and become party representatives and legislative members. The presence of women in parliament is necessary to achieve gender equality and improve women’s welfare through gender-responsive policies. Keywords: representation, politics, women, east nusa tenggara


Author(s):  
Melody E. Valdini

Chapter 4 examines the inclusion calculations of party elites in the aftermath of a massive corruption scandal. It argues that party elites have an incentive to strategically increase the presence of women candidates in such an environment in order to associate themselves and their party with stereotypical feminine traits, but this incentive is not always enough to trigger inclusion. Case study analyses of Spain, Portugal, and Ireland are presented, with evidence that political parties in Spain and Portugal recruit and run more women candidates in high-profile positions after a massive scandal breaks but, due to the high “costs” of running women in the institutional environment of Ireland, this effect is not found there. Finally, the chapter presents a large-N regression analysis of legislative electoral results over a period of 20 years, with evidence that more women win legislative seats in the aftermath of a corruption scandal.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-336
Author(s):  
ADEEBA AZIZ KHAN

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 262-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Ziegfeld ◽  
Maya Tudor

When elections are free and fair, why do some political parties rule for prolonged periods of time? Most explanations for single-party dominance focus on the dominant party’s origins, resources, or strategies. In this article, we show how opposition parties can undermine or sustain single-party dominance. Specifically, opposition parties should be central in explaining single-party dominance in countries with highly disproportional electoral systems and a dominant party whose vote share falls short of a popular majority. Employing a quantitative analysis of Indian legislative elections as well as a paired case study, we show that opposition coordination plays a crucial part in undermining single-party dominance.


1965 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ira Ralph Telford

A chief criticism of the American party system is the lack of party responsibility. In the view of some students, one characteristic of our political system that contributes to this irresponsibility is the practice in some states of allowing individuals to vote in primaries without regard to their partisan allegiances. In such an open primary Republicans may, if they wish, vote in the Democratic primary, and vice versa. The contrasting, and more common, practice is the closed primary, in which participation is restricted to party “members.” Some political scientists think that the closed primary, by subjecting legislators to the presumed discipline of periodic scrutiny by their party's members, induces a greater measure of party regularity than the open primary, in which the official has to satisfy a more motley clientele. This position was taken in the best-known statement of the “party government” school, the 1950 report of the APS A Committee on Political Parties:The closed primary deserves preference because it is more readily compatible with the development of a responsible party system…. on the other hand, the open primary tends to destroy the concept of membership as the basis of party organization.Other political scientists have expressed doubts about this presumed relationship between primaries and party responsibility, but there has been no systematic empirical evidence on the point. This paper will examine the relationship between primaries and party responsibility by comparing the party regularity of senators from open primary and closed primary states.


Author(s):  
Agung Pratama Putra ◽  
Norhuda Norhuda ◽  
Nico Oktario Adytyas

This research is entitled "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN PALEMBANG CITY: A Case Study of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP)". This research explains that the institutionalization of Islamic political parties in Palembang City can affect the results of the legislative elections and the existence of voters, which at the time of the 2019 legislative elections in Palembang City, the votes and seats of Islamic political parties experienced very significant changes in terms of the number of votes. and legislative seats. Islamic political parties that experienced an increase in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) when the 2014 legislative general election received three seats but in the 2019 legislative general election it got five seats, while the Islamic political parties which experienced a decrease in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Party The Development Association (PPP) when the 2014 legislative election won two seats, but in the 2019 legislative general election, it only got one seat. The reason the author chose the title Institutionalization of Islamic Political Parties in Palembang City is due to the extent to which Islamic parties have or have not been institutionalized, this research on the institutionalization of political parties uses the theory of Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand political parties are considered institutionalized if there are four degrees of institutionalization such as Degree of System, Degree of Value Identity , Degree of Decision Autonomy and Degree of Public Knowledge. Based on the theory used, the results of this study, among others, prove that PKS can be said to have been institutionalized and PPP has not been institutionalized based on the four degrees of political party institutionalization theory concept according to Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand. So that it can be directly proven by the results of research findings where the institutionalization of PKS and PPP parties has similarities and differences between the two Islamic political parties in absorbing the people's aspirations and fighting for the interests of Muslims in Palembang City.


Author(s):  
Remi Chukwudi Okeke

This paper examines how the dominant political parties in a corruption-prone political system have been struggling for survival (and legitimacy) based on anti-corruption crusades and the attendant supports. The study has in the process, interrogated what may constitute the core concerns of the leading political parties, in such corruption-bedeviled polities. The investigation is fundamentally, a case study of the Nigerian state. Accordingly, the central research questions of the paper are as follows: How are the two dominant political parties in Nigeria brawling for survival? Attendant to the wrestles, what is the fate of good governance in the country? The study finds that while the two dominant political parties are engaged in the scuffle to survive, a national vacuum is in contradiction, created in the area of general political mobilization. It has been posited in the paper that political parties’ legitimacies are never constructed on single societal agenda. It is finally recommended in the work that while the government (in power) may be wedging wars against the debilitating sleaze in the system, the political parties (in order to survive and retain legitimacy) must continously engage in the articulation and aggregation of politically complementary programmes and actions. This would not only lead to the survival of the parties as political entities but in a generic dimension, lead to the critically desired national growth and survival in such countries, where corruption still presents the overriding national challenge. The methodology of the paper is logical argumentation.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
zulfa

This study aims to analyze the failure of the Perindo Party ahead of the 2019 elections. The failure is seen based on the approach to the strategy carried out in the community through the media they have and what happens in fact in the community. This research uses a case study method that explores phenomena that occur through a literature review process and is based on data found in the field or from certain sources. Research using Jack Plano's concept of theory related to the spread of political action both the meaning or message concerned with the function of a political system that involves elements of communication such as messages, communicators, and so forth. The main conclusion, the failure of the Perindo Party in the election using a strategy by building organizational strength up to the TPS level, carrying out the distribution of wagons for MSMEs that enter (spreading actions), popularizing the Perindo Party by bombarding the Perindo Party march through its media (meaning / message), apparently it did not affect the people's desire to vote for the Perindo Party, after the number of TV commercials with the frequent appearance of the Perindo Mars, the KPI also gave a stern rebuke about the prohibition of political campaigning outside before the election (communicator).Keywords: Perindo, Politics, 2019 Election.


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 09008
Author(s):  
Hidayat Sardini Nur ◽  
Fitriyah

This research tries to highlight the phenomena of “an empty box” and society resistance to oligharchy formation in the regional election of Pati in 2017. Its aims are to find out the underlying factors, and other factors trigerring the existence of “an empty box” and society resistence. This research is qualitative with a case study method. The data was gained by interviewing informants deeply, and collecting secondary data. The results of research show that there are various models of general election with a single candidate, and various local society resistence to political oligarchy practices and formation also appear. Further, the weaknesses of political party recruitment as the sources of leadership and the greed of political elites are also revealed. Knowing the findings, a good arrangement to improve the function of political parties should be done. Then, for the future research the roles of oligarchy in regions as one of ways to control local political actors can be studied.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 901-917
Author(s):  
Gabriela Borz

Abstract How do parties organise for success in engaging with their diaspora? This study investigates the impact Romanian diaspora has had on national political parties. It develops an argument based on diaspora recognition, engagement and policy as implemented by old and new parties. The analysis shows that recognition of diaspora in party statutes is not a guarantee for engagement. The latter increases with the use of new online communication strategies, provided there is a demand for such communication platforms. New parties with a strong anti-corruption stance mobilise diaspora online. The policy strategy emphasises diaspora support rather than diaspora return as incumbent parties take a gradual approach based on rights and identity promotion, which increases the economic utility of the engagement. The results are based on the analysis of party statutes, governmental documents, party online communication strategies and interviews with party members.


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