Musical Solidarities

Author(s):  
Andrea F. Bohlman

This book studies the relationship between music making and social movements using the Solidarity movement in 1980s Poland as a case study. Its central argument is that while music offered a means of performing and commemorating the Solidarity movement as unified, the media of the opposition to state socialism also revealed—and continue to reveal—dissonant discourses on citizenship, culture, and history. The story unfolds along crucial sites of political action under state socialism: underground radio networks, the sanctuaries of the Polish Roman Catholic Church, labor strikes and student demonstrations, and commemorative performances. The musics and sounds of the 1980s are traced through a long history of musical nationalism in East Central Europe and across a transnational media network specific to the Cold War and life under state socialism. By revealing the diverse repertories—singer-songwriter verses, religious hymns, large-scale symphonies, experimental music, and popular song—that played a role across the decade, the book challenges paradigmatic visions of a late twentieth-century global protest culture that place song and communitas at the helm of social and political change. Musical Solidarities draws equally on the methods of historical musicology, ethnomusicology, and sound studies to propose a model for understanding popular, art, and sacred musics alongside one another and in the context of singing, shouting, and listening within the study of political action.

Balcanica ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 269-287
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Stojanovic

In the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) from its establishment only days after the German attack on Yugoslavia in early April 1941 until its fall in May 1945 a genocide took place. The ultimate goal of the extreme ideology of the Ustasha regime was a new Croatian state cleansed of other ethnic groups, particularly the Serbs, Jews and Roma. The Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC), historically a mainstay of Serbian national identity, culture and tradition, was among its first targets. Most Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries were demolished, heavily damaged or appropriated by the Roman Catholic Church or the state. More than 170 Serbian priests were killed and tortured by the Ustasha, and even more were exiled to occupied Serbia. The regime led by Ante Pavelic introduced numerous laws and regulations depriving the SPC of not only its property and spiritual jurisdiction but even of its right to existence. When mass killings stirred up a large-scale rebellion, a more political and seemingly non-violent approach was introduced: the Croatian regime unilaterally and non-canonically founded the so-called Croatian Orthodox Church in order to bring the forced assimilation of Serbs to completion. This paper provides an overview of the ordeal of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the NDH, based on the scholarly literature and documentary sources of Serbian, German and Croatian origin. It looks at legislation, propaganda, the killings and torture of Orthodox clergy and the destruction of church property, including medieval holy relics. The scale and viciousness of some atrocities will be looked at based on unused or less known sources, namely the statements of Serbian refugees recorded during the war by the SPC and the Commissariat for Refugees in Serbia, and documents from the Political Archive of the Third Reich Ministry of Foreign Affairs.


2018 ◽  
pp. 9-30
Author(s):  
JEFFERSON RODRIGUES DE OLIVEIRA

Based on the post-1989 Cultural Geography studies and the Geographic studies of Religion, the present essay aimed to explore the relationship between religion and media in the age of 2.0, the age of social networks and the diffusion of media. In order to achieve this goal, we tried to understand how these new social relations occur through hypermodernity, which is characterized by the culture of excess, the intensification of values and a greater diversification of production aimed at consumption. We have also discussed how the process of development and propagation of the media and the cyberspace create new strategies for diffusion of faith. Through political, economic and local dimensions, we were able to understand the new connections between the sacred, the faith and the new dynamics of hypermodern society. The Roman Catholic Church in Brazil and the new spatial and territorial transformations through cyberspace and media are the empirical examples of the present research.


Slavic Review ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 654-662
Author(s):  
Maciej Górny

The article identifies some of the rarely recalled phenomena accompanying Poland's path towards independence. First is the level of economic, cultural, and everyday integration with imperial centers. Second is the growing intensity of interethnic strife. Third, the social turmoil, at times bordering on popular revolt, started in 1917 and lasted long after 1918. Fourth is the large-scale economic transformation and deprivations that this transformation brought about. Finally is the general longing for restoring law and order, a feeling that facilitated actions by minor groups of nationalists capable of creating at least a rudimentary state apparatus. None of the newly-created states of east central Europe was a result of consequent political action. Rather, they came into existence out of the interplay of social, economic, and cultural factors.


Eurostudia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-73
Author(s):  
Miroslav Tížik

After the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia came to power in 1948, power struggles followed between political parties and long-running internal struggles within the country’s Roman Catholic Church over the church’s character and organizational structure. These struggles related not only to purely theological issues, but also to the ideals of communism (and, later, socialism), the Communist Party and its program. The internal plurality within the church throughout the whole period of the people’s democracy and state socialism in Czechoslovakia calls into question the dualistic image of struggles between the church and the Communist Party, and it complicates the image of the church as a victim of the Communist regime. In particular, the crucial periods from 1948 to 1952 and from 1968 to 1969 suggest that, throughout much of the communist period there persisted tensions between the higher and lower clergy and there were diverging views on how the church should function; these tensions took on a diversity of shapes and varied in intensity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 522-539
Author(s):  
Janina Sochaczewski

This article explores the role of the Roman Catholic Church in the Polish Solidarity movement ( Solidarność) in the early 1980s. While Solidarity has primarily been examined as a politically and economically motivated movement, a study of its religious dimensions lends insight into the psychosocial factors underlying the quest for a return to Poland’s “true identity.” This study employs the theoretical concepts of Donald Winnicott in order to demonstrate how figures and symbols of religious authority may play the role of the “good enough” parent at the collective level, and how religious institutions may provide a “holding environment” that allows for the de-atomization of society, permitting community members to co-create and explore non-violent alternatives of resistance.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Andrea F. Bohlman

The introduction defines “political action” and “solidarity” theoretically, as frameworks for organizing and dispersing the relationship between music and protest. It also introduces the Polish opposition to state socialism, giving an overview of the political agents (activists, critics, citizens, priests, bureaucrats, Party members, journalists) who are the main protagonists of this history and who guide the musics and scenes upon which the book focuses. One cabaret anthem, Jan Pietrzak’s “So That Poland Will Be Poland,” serves as an orientation point. The song’s text, key performances in Warsaw, and use by the US Information Agency for propaganda give insight into national and international perspectives on the Solidarity movement and its historiography from the 1980s into the present.


2013 ◽  
Vol 82 (3) ◽  
pp. 667-677
Author(s):  
Andrew Polk

The letters were portrayed as a goodwill gesture toward the three more dominant religious traditions in America and, as far as President Franklin Roosevelt was concerned, the world. After being carefully constructed over the preceding weeks, they were held in strict secrecy until they were released to the media on December 24, 1939. Each was written to the leader of his respective religion: as president of Jewish Theological Seminary, Rabbi Cyrus Adler represented American Jews and George A. Buttrick, president of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America (FCC), received a letter on behalf of American Protestants, with the last letter going to Pope Pius XII, head of the Roman Catholic Church. Each letter was, at least ostensibly, a Christmas greeting. Roosevelt offered each man warm wishes and his hearty thanks for all that he had done for his people and the world. Yet Roosevelt also noted the fear and uncertainty of the time. War had again come to Europe and threatened to envelop the globe. It was the responsibility of all people of goodwill, Roosevelt argued, to come together in any way they could for the cause of peace. He hoped the three men, and those they represented, would put aside religious differences and join together for the common good.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-54
Author(s):  
Alexander Bielicki

The presence of nationalism in the Catholic Church, ostensibly global in its mission and outlook, has been a contentious issue especially in the post-communist countries of East-Central Europe. Events like the Slovak national pilgrimage to Šaštín, broadcast across the country on television, radio and internet, offer Catholic elite in Slovakia a rare chance to freely weave national history and national devotion into religious practice and discourse, but what does elite discourse actually tell us about the production and reproduction of nationhood in the Church? This article calls for increased exploration of reception of elite discourse in the media, not only to gauge audience reaction, but to better understand how the would-be recipients of these messages play a role in producing, reproducing or contesting these media constructions of national identity.


Urban History ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
NIAMH NICGHABHANN

ABSTRACT:The infrastructures of devotion and religious worship in Ireland changed dramatically during the course of the nineteenth century. This article examines the foundation stone ceremonies that marked the beginning of several large-scale building Roman Catholic church building projects between 1850 and 1900, and in particular considers the extent to which these highly visible and ceremonial events prefigured the more permanent occupation of public space by the new buildings. These foundation stone ceremonies were complex events that reflected contemporary political issues such as land rights as much as they engaged with the spiritual concerns of the Roman Catholic congregations in Ireland during this period.


Prospects ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 229-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracy Fessenden

Simon Legree's taunting invitation to “join [his] church” reminds us that the novel routinely credited with abolishing slavery relied for part of its force on anxieties surrounding religious conversion. Although conversion as the emotional surrender to faith under one or another form of Protestantism remained the norm when Harriet Beecher Stowe was writingUncle Tom's Cabin, as many as 700,000 Americans did join the Roman Catholic Church as converts in the 19th century. The middle third of the century also saw the arrival of nearly 3 million Catholic immigrants, whose perceived intemperance, sexual license, and conspiratorial designs on American institutions animated white Protestant preaching and political action more consistently than did the evils of slavery or racism.


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