Information Hunters

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathy Peiss
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Information Science ◽  
Intelligence Analysis ◽  
Research Libraries ◽  
Total War ◽  
Postwar Reconstruction ◽  
Military Planning ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

Information Hunters examines the unprecedented American effort to acquire foreign publications and information in World War II Europe. An unlikely band of librarians, scholars, soldiers, and spies went to Europe to collect books and documents to aid the Allies’ cause. They traveled to neutral cities to find enemy publications for intelligence analysis and followed advancing armies to capture records in a massive program of confiscation. After the war, they seized Nazi works from bookstores and schools and gathered countless looted Jewish books. Improvising library techniques in wartime conditions, they contributed to Allied intelligence, preserved endangered books, engaged in restitution, and participated in the denazification of book collections. Information Hunters explores what collecting meant to the men and women who embarked on these missions and how the challenges of a total war led to an intense focus on books and documents. It uncovers the worlds of collecting, in spy-ridden Stockholm and Lisbon, in liberated Paris and devastated Berlin, and in German caves and mineshafts. The wartime collecting missions had lasting effects. They intensified the relationship between libraries and academic institutions, on the one hand, and the government and military, on the other. Book and document acquisition became part of the apparatus of national security, military planning, and postwar reconstruction. These efforts also spurred the development of information science and boosted research libraries’ ambitions to be great national repositories for research and the dissemination of knowledge that would support American global leadership, politically and intellectually.

The public image of women in post-Taliban Afghanistan

2021 ◽  
pp. 44-49
Author(s):  
Dr Rose Fazli ◽  
Dr Anahita Seifi
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Public Image ◽  
World War ◽  
Afghan Women ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Common ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Afghan Woman

The present article is an attempt to offer the concept of political development from a novel perspective and perceive the Afghan Women image in accordance with the aforementioned viewpoint. To do so, first many efforts have been made to elucidate the author’s outlook as it contrasts with the classic stance of the concept of power and political development by reviewing the literature in development and particularly political development during the previous decades. For example Post-World War II approaches to political development which consider political development, from the Hobbesian perspective toward power, as one of the functions of government. However in a different view of power, political development found another place when it has been understood via postmodern approaches, it means power in a network of relationships, not limited to the one-way relationship between ruler and obedient. Therefore newer concept and forces find their way on political development likewise “image” as a considerable social, political and cultural concept and women as the new force. Then, the meaning of “image” as a symbolic one portraying the common universal aspect is explained. The Afghan woman image emphasizing the historic period of 2001 till now is scrutinized both formally and informally and finally the relationship between this reproduced image of Afghan women and Afghanistan political development from a novel perspective of understanding is represented.

scholarly journals Evolution of the Concept of Citizenship in the Islamic Thought: An Analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Osama Sami AL-Nsour
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Past ◽  
Islamic Thought ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Islamic Civilization ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship

The concept of citizenship is one of the pillars upon which the modern civil state was built. The concept of citizenship can be considered as the basic guarantee for both the government and individuals to clarify the relationship between them, since under this right individuals can acquire and apply their rights freely and also based on this right the state can regulate how society members perform the duties imposed on them, which will contributes to the development of the state and society .The term citizenship has been used in a wider perspective, itimplies the nationality of the State where the citizen obtains his civil, political, economic, social, cultural and religious rights and is free to exercise these rights in accordance with the Constitution of the State and the laws governing thereof and without prejudice to the interest. In return, he has an obligation to perform duties vis-à-vis the state so that the state can give him his rights that have been agreed and contracted.This paper seeks to explore firstly, the modern connotation of citizenship where it is based on the idea of rights and duties. Thus the modern ideal of citizenship is based on the relationship between the individual and the state. The Islamic civilization was spanned over fourteen centuries and there were certain laws and regulations governing the relationship between the citizens and the state, this research will try to discover the main differences between the classical concept of citizenship and the modern one, also this research will show us the results of this change in this concept . The research concludes that the new concept of citizenship is correct one and the one that can fit to our contemporary life and the past concept was appropriate for their time but the changes in the world force us to apply and to rethink again about this concept.

A Comparative Study of the Relationship Between Time and Criminal Justice: the New Face of Criminal Statutes of Limitations in Italy

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-334
Author(s):  
Simone Lonati
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Good Practice ◽  
Criminal Proceedings ◽  
Legal Traditions ◽  
Limitation Periods ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Made In

Addressing the need to avoid punishing long past events that have fallen into oblivion, only to then come into play when the government, by means of proceedings, stages a re-enactment and thus a reminiscence of those events: statutes of limitations in criminal law are marked by an axiological ambiguity. The debate on their quomodo becomes particularly heated when the focus turns to the possible interferences between limitation periods and criminal proceedings. The discussion stems from the difficult attempt to balance primary and essentially heterogeneous interests: on the one hand, protecting the accused from the “punishment of trial” and, on the other, providing the criminal justice system with adequate time for prosecuting and adjudicating criminal offences as a way to effectively protect the interests harmed by the commission of certain crimes. Furthermore, there is a widespread concern to avoid instrumental conducts by the parties solely aimed at running out the clock. The matter is undoubtedly complex, as the issues and implications it gives rise to are multiple and varied. In an attempt to outline a possible statutory framework that may govern the relationship between the passage of time after the commission of an offence and the time needed for its adjudication, it may be useful to expand the knowledge base from which to draw upon in order to identify appropriate solutions: to look beyond domestic boundaries is, after all, good practice when faced with an impasse. This analysis aims to closely examine the choices made in two legal systems-Germany and Spain-whose legal traditions are the closest to Italy. Firstly, the study will describe the key features characterizing, in general, limitation periods for criminal offences. Subsequently, special attention will be paid to the rules governing the impact that the launch and dynamics of criminal proceedings have on the running of limitation periods. Based on the differences and especially the similarities between the respective rules in force in the two countries, it will be possible to formulate a number of observations regarding the provisions implemented by the Italian legislator. Lastly, comparing and contrasting the German and Spanish legal experiences will allow a closer look at the more recent reforms of statutes of limitations in Italy, to the extent that the latter appear roughly inspired by the principles applied in the aforementioned systems.

Peru: the Political Economy of an Intermediate Regime

1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. V. K. Fitzgerald
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Capital ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intermediate Regime ◽  
Domestic Capital ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Made In

Any attempt to define the changes in the Peruvian political economy that have taken place since 1968 1 must be made in terms of the relationship between the state and domestic capital on the one hand and foreign capital on the other, and must offer an explanation of the way in which this military- controlled state has tended to replace the former and establish a new relationship with the latter. In particular, the confrontation between the government and foreign capital, and the significance of internal ownership reforms cannot be understood without reference to the development of Peruvian capitalism before 1968.

Demands, challenges and solutions for Irandoc to improve and expand activities of academic and research libraries (ARLs)

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Reza Rajabali Beglou
Keyword(s):  
Design Methodology ◽  
Information Science ◽  
Science Research ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Research Libraries ◽  
Information Updating ◽  
Research Findings ◽  
Upper Level ◽  
Institutional Mapping ◽  
The Relationship

PurposeIranian Research Institute for Information Science and Technology (Irandoc) undertaken activities to improve and expand Academic and Research Libraries (ARLs). However, it is necessary to identify demands, challenges and solutions for Irandoc to improve and extend activities of these libraries.Design/methodology/approachIn this study, documents of Science & Technology Information System (STIS) commission analyzed in order to investigate the most important steps taken by Irandoc. The results of this part of research used to conduct interviews with administrators and experts in four groups including thirteen ARL managers, four middle and upper level managers at Irandoc, two deputies in Ministry of Science, Research and Technology (MSRT), and four experts in this field. Therefore, the present study was qualitative with content analysis approach. The credibility of the research findings promoted by a peer debriefing and member checking methods.FindingsThe results showed that strengthening of STIS commission, reinforced Irandoc's authoritative duties in MSRT, establishing a network of ARLs, promoting Irandoc's relationship with ARLs, institutional mapping among organizations in the field of libraries and information, updating of Irandoc's policies and statutes regarding ARLs, completing library statistics and information, standardizing, monitoring and evaluating ARLs, developing Continuous Professional Development (CPD) programs, and future study of ARLs were among the most important operational and executive strategies for improving and expanding ARLs' activities.Originality/valueOrganizational structure of the relationship among MSRT, Irandoc, ARLs and the types of services and resources ARLs provide in six levels, as well as conceptual model of Irandoc's position in this field presented.

Consequences of Excluding Armed Groups from Peace Negotiations: Chad and the Philippines

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Ghais
Keyword(s):  
Causal Link ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Armed Actors

Abstract This article examines the relationship between inclusion/exclusion of armed groups and the achievement of durable peace, using process tracing in two case studies: the peace process between the government of Chad and the rebel group Movement for Democracy and Justice in Chad, and the one between the government of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front. The cases support theoretical arguments that excluded armed actors are more likely to renew armed confrontation after the peace accord. The study further elaborates the causal link: included armed rebels tend to negotiate for private benefits such as government posts and amnesty but also moderate their stances and emerge committed to the agreement; excluded armed actors lack any such commitment and still have unresolved grievances. They are thus more likely to renew armed action against the government.

scholarly journals SRBIJA I POLITIČKI ODNOSI U JUGOSLAVIJI U VREME SAHRANE ALEKSANDRA RANKOVIĆA 1983: TAČKE SUKOBA

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (2/2021) ◽  
pp. 415-434
Author(s):  
Slobodan Selinić
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Political Unity ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Economic

Serbia’s political status after the death of Josip Broz was determined by two kinds of efforts by the state. Firstly, the Serbian leaders aimed to change its unequal status in federal Yugoslavia. Secondly, they aimed to stop fragmentation within Serbia, which grew steadily after the 1974 Constitution. Political relations between Serbian leaders on the one hand, and some political circles and leaders of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and the autonomous provinces on the other, were strained. They worsened even more after several clashes in 1983. Despite the opposition of politicians in Bosnia, Croatia, and Vojvodina to Dragoslav Marković (who was described as a strong advocate of Serbian political unity), he was elected as chairman of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (CK SKJ) in 1983. Serbo-Croatian relationships were further damaged after the publication of the book Enigma Kopinič in Belgrade. The Croatian leaders were against this publication because it revealed – as far as the Party was concerned – undesirable information about the interwar years and the period during World War II. The major confrontation came over the interpretation of events that occurred at the funeral of Aleksandar Ranković (mainly over who was responsible for the mass gathering and the respectful attitude toward the deceased). Federal party units, as well as those from the Yugoslav republics and from Belgrade, jointly condemned those events as a political rally against the government. However, they disagreed over who was responsible for the incident and what had caused the public outcry. The CK SKJ chairmanship members from the autonomous provinces, Croatia, and Bosnia accused Serbia and the Serbian Communist Party for the display of nationalism. They also held the Belgrade City Party Committee responsible for letting the rally happen. Contrary to this, the Belgrade City Committee led by Ivan Stambolić, whom the Serbian leadership supported, felt that the uproar was caused by the overall political, economic, and social crisis, for which the Federal government was to blame.

scholarly journals Impact of Foreign Direct Investment on Industrial Growth of India

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2S10) ◽  
pp. 165-169
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Direct Investment ◽  
Direct Investment ◽  
Manufacturing Sector ◽  
Industrial Sector ◽  
Industrial Growth ◽  
Coefficient Corrélation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

In India the Foreign direct investment (FDI) has received a staged improvement from instigate of the Make in India scheme, according to recent survey. There was a incredible increase in FDI inflows (40%) particularly in manufacturing sector from October, 2014 to June, 2019 . The industrial sector is considered to be the one of the dominant sectors that contribute the major Indian GDP. India has been ranked fourteenth in the factory output in the world. This was because of the launch of initiative, which sought for promoting manufacturing segments and be a magnet for foreign investments. More than 56 manufacturing units are benefitted in the entire globe. In the recent times during the year 2014 to 2019 the Industrial production inclined to 3.1 per cent, mainly on account of improvement and to encourage talent augmentation towards the various sectors of the economy. This article brings out the recent efforts taken by the government for encouraging the FDI into various sectors and how it has made a pathway. In the last ten years India has shown a tremendous increase in Foreign Direct Investment into the various sectors in economy. Even though Government of India has make a pathway for attracting FDI on various sectors, this papers focuses on explaining the impact of make in India scheme on FDI. In this paper period of five years has been considered for the analysis. The Statistical Tools like Karl Pearson's Coefficient Correlation and One - Way ANOVA has been used for the analysis of data. To study the relationship between the FDI and IIP correlation is used for the analysis of data

The Secular State's Islamic Empire: Muslim Spaces and Subjects of Jurisdiction in Paris and Algiers, 1905–1957

2010 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 553-580 ◽  
Author(s):  
James McDougall
Keyword(s):  
Public Management ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
The Public ◽  
Colonial Policy ◽  
Islamic Empire ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Imaginary Dialogue

In an article published posthumously, in theRevue de la Méditerranéein 1951, Augustin Berque, the intellectually accomplished but professionally somewhat unrecognized former Director of Native Affairs at the Government-General of Algeria, examined difficulties in the public management of religious affairs, and the failures of policy toward successive, competing spokesmen for Islam in France's colonial possessions. In concluding his assessment of this thorny question, Berque addressed his reader as in an imaginary dialogue: “And so? Oh, I quite agree with you! The one great remedy is ourlaïcité, which would leave to the Faith its secret oratory, intimate and inviolable. But [what are we to do] in the meantime?” There remained at the time a tenacious assumption that the empire, at least in Africa, might still endure into the unforeseeable future and that institution of a rational, public secularism as a lasting benefit of France'srayonnement civilisationnelcould still be anticipated as an ultimate goal. But, of course, “the meantime” was in fact all the time that Berque and his colleagues had, and it was running out much faster than they imagined. That as late as 1951 the well-informed, scholarly, and policymaking readers of theRevuecould still be expected to imagine the relationship between imperial and Islamic authority in these terms suggests an extraordinary capacity for self-delusion, or a remarkable intractability in the terms of a debate that had been near the top of the colonial policy agenda for almost half a century.

The country at a standstill: Yugoslavia and Slovene politics in the 1930s

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Jure Gašparič
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National Life ◽  
Repressive Regime ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Groups

King Alexander's dictatorship in Yugoslavia (proclaimed in January 1929) was an expression of a real political need for consolidation in the country; however, in essence, it was an autocratic and repressive regime. More decisive moves toward a return of democracy did not occur, even later, after the replacement of his regime in June 1935. The political methods in the internal political life followed the pattern from the first half of the 1930s to the very eve of World War II. Such a situation also defined the relationship between the Slovenes and Yugoslavia. Slovene politics continued to look at the state from two angles – a unitary/centralist angle on the one hand and an autonomist/federalist angle on the other. Both camps (as well as other Yugoslav political players), however, failed to create an environment that would enable truly democratic compromises. The state was stuck at a “standstill,” but in spite of all its flaws, in the view of the Slovene political groups it represented the most suitable environment for the political and national life of Slovenes. Any serious political calculations that would go beyond this framework hardly existed.

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