Samothrace

Author(s):  
Clyde E. Fant ◽  
Mitchell G. Reddish

Unfortunately, fascinating Samothrace does not receive the attention from foreign visitors it deserves. Except for the peak of the summer period, when many Greeks and a few others make mostly day trips to the island, Samothrace is largely ignored as a tourist destination. Weather in the winter can be harsh and windy, but otherwise the climate is inviting. Only a very few small hotels exist on the island (though there are many guest rooms available in private homes), and places to dine are limited, shopping even more so. But for an overnight visit, or perhaps a weekend, Samothrace is hard to beat for a sense of a Greek world that once was. The wild beauty that surrounds the once glorious buildings of the Sanctuary of the Great Gods, where the immortal Nike of Samothrace, now in the Louvre, once stood, is largely unmatched for a striking impression of Greek sanctuaries before they were surrounded by pavement and urban buildings. Do not miss this unique island if it is in reach of your journeys to Greece. The island of Samothrace (or Samothraki) can be reached easily by car ferry or hovercraft from Alexandroupolis, approximately 20 miles away. Although there is only one road that circles the island, an automobile or taxi is necessary to reach the site of the Great Sanctuary of the Gods, which lies 4 miles from the harbor at Kamariotissa. (Bus service is possible but infrequent.) If a taxi is used, be sure that a return is arranged; get a card from the driver with a phone number, and be aware that taxi service is not available on Sunday afternoon. The only telephone available is at the adjacent museum, and when it closes, if you are without transportation, be prepared to hike or use hitchhiking skills on the rare passing automobiles. Samothrace was known historically as the most remote of the Greek islands, which certainly is not true in modern times, when the nearby Thracian shore is a part of Greece. Likewise, the island is virtually equidistant from the Gallipoli peninsula of Turkey as well.

Author(s):  
Dora P. Crouch

The arrangements made in ancient cities for the management and use of water varied over the extent of the Greek world, depending on local topography and geology. They also varied by time period. In the absence of detailed whole-site studies, we can no more than suggest some of those differences. Our method will be to examine one early city and one late, looking for similarities and differences. The chosen examples share the useful (for us) feature of having been destroyed, so that their ruins preserve a set of arrangements not diluted by later habitation. The examples chosen are Olynthos in northeast Greece, destroyed at the end of the fourth century B.C., and Pompeii near Naples in southern Italy, destroyed in A.D. 79. A description of each will point out features that are typical for that time period, and we will conclude with a direct comparison of the two water management systems. Olynthos (Fig. 13.1) is located in northeastern Greece, at the base of the left peninsula of the set of three which also includes Mount Athos. Geological maps of the area (Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration, “Geology of Greece” series (1:50,000), Athens, Greece, ca. 1984) show that a large limestone massif terminates just to the north of the site, and could be tapped for its karst waters. Indeed, a pipeline was found coming southward for five miles (D.M. Robinson, 1935, 219 ff and fig. 12; Robinson and Clement, 1938), from the springs near Polygyros and from northeast of the church of Hagios Nicolas. More traces of the line were observed in the plain. In Volume II of the Olynthos excavation reports (Robinson, 1930, 12), the line is thought to be sixth century because of some fragments of black-figure vases found with it in the dig, yet in Volume XII this aqueduct was declared fifth or fourth century because of its beautifully cemented joints with mortar of pure lime with a little silica (Robinson, 1946, 107). The line is described as having pipes about 3 inches thick (.45 centimeters), and therefore is probably a pressure pipe.


Author(s):  
Waldemar Heckel

What induced Alexander to embark upon a war of conquest against Persia? How did the peoples he attacked resist him, and why? The undertaking was bequeathed to him by his father, Philip II, whose expedition to the East was cut short by his assassination. The ostensible motives, which were presented in the form of slogans concerning vengeance and Panhellenism, were those that had been promoted in the Greek world since the years that followed the invasion of Greece by Xerxes in 480/79. The target of Alexander’s counter-invasion was the Achaemenid Empire, but the apparent soft underbelly was formed by the states thought to be held in servitude by the Persian king. Indeed, the king’s subjects were generally referred to as douloi, “slaves” of their vainglorious master. But their attitudes toward “liberation” varied according to experience, and although some welcomed the Conqueror, the notion that they welcomed a new master was mistaken.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 448-458
Author(s):  
Olga Katsiardi-Hering

The murder of Johann Joachim Winckelmann, for many the ‘founder of archaeology’, in 1768 in a Trieste inn, did not mean the end for his work, which could be said to have been the key to understanding ancient Greece, which Europe was re-discovering at the time. In the late Enlightenment, Neoclassicism, followed by Romanticism, elevated classical, Hellenistic and Roman antiquity, and archaeological research, to the centre of academic quests, while the inclusion of archaeological sites in the era’s Grand Tours fed into a belief in the ‘Regeneration’/‘Wiedergeburt’ of Greece. The Modern Greek Enlightenment flourished during this same period, the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, with a concomitant classicizing turn. Ancient Greek texts were republished by Greek scholars, especially in the European centres of the Greek diaspora. An admiration for antiquity was intertwined into the Neohellenic national identity, and the first rulers of the free Greek State undertook to take care of the nation’s archaeological monuments. In 1837, under ‘Bavarian rule’, the first Greek University and the ‘Archaeological Society of Greece in Athens’ were set up. Archaeologists flocked to Greece and those parts of the ancient Greek world that were still part of the Ottoman Empire. The showcasing of classical monuments, at the expense of the Byzantine past, would remain the rule until the latter half of the nineteenth century. Modern Greek national identity was primarily underpinned by admiration for antiquity, which was viewed as a source of modern Hellenism, and for ‘enlightened, savant, good-governed Europe’. Today, the ‘new archaeology’ is striving to call these foundations into question.


This book provides an interpretative guide to using a fundamental resource for the study of the ancient Greek world. Personal names are a statement of identity, a personal choice by parents for their child, reflecting their own ancestry and family traditions, and the religious and political values of the society to which they belong. The names of the ancient Greeks, surviving in their tens of thousands in manuscripts and documents, offer a valuable insight into ancient Greek society. The chapters collected here examine how the Greeks responded to new environments. They draw out issues of identity as expressed through the choice, formation, and adaptation of personal names, not only by Greeks when they came into contact with non-Greeks, but of others in relation to Greeks, for example Egyptians, Persians, Thracians, and Semitic peoples, including the Jewish communities in the diaspora. Grounded in the ‘old’ world of Greece (in particular, Euboia and Thessaly), the book also reaches out to the many parts of the ancient world where Greeks travelled, traded, and settled, and where the dominant culture before the arrival of the Greeks was not Greek. Reflecting upon the progress of the Lexicon of Greek Personal Names project, which has already published the names of over a quarter of a million ancient Greeks, it will be of interest to scholars and students of the language, literature, history, religion, and archaeology of the ancient Greek world.


Antiquity ◽  
1958 ◽  
Vol 32 (126) ◽  
pp. 80-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar Broneer

The peloponnesus came so near to being a true island (Island of Pelops) that the neck of land (FIG. I) which joins it to the northern half of the Greek peninsula is less than five miles wide. This became a natural crossroads of the Greek world. Several routes converging on this landbridge connected the Peloponnesus with the rest of Greece. Communications by sea between the east and the west, through the Saronic and the Corinthian Gulfs, were interrupted by the Isthmus, and attempts were made early to pierce or overleap the barrier. The southern sea-lane encircling the Peloponnesus was much longer, and weather conditions made the journey hazardous. For this reason cargoes were unloaded at the two harbours, Kenkreai on the Saronic and Lechaion on the Corinthian Gulf, and carried by land across the Isthmus. Naval vessels, and perhaps the empty freight carriers, were transported over a paved roadway called Diolkos. The western end of this portage has long been recognized on the Peloponnesian side of the Corinth Canal, and recently longer stretches of pavement have been laid bare on both sides of the Canal. The Diolkos here did not run straight but ascended the steep slope in great sweeping curves (FIG. I and PLATE IX (c) ). The pavement has a width of 3-50-5 m. and is made with large poros blocks well fitted together. Two deep ruts, 1-50 m. apart, show that the ships were hauled on wheeled cradles, not on rollers, as was formerly assumed. The excavation, conducted by the Archaeological Service of the Greek Government, is still in progress, and the exact course across the Isthmus will not be known before this work is completed.


Author(s):  
Georgia Tsouvala

This chapter provides a synthesis and analysis of the epigraphic, literary, and artistic evidence of women’s participation in athletic events and venues following the Roman conquest of Greece in 146 BCE and during the early Roman Empire. In conjunction with the literary sources, the epigraphic and artistic record makes clear that women participated in athletics, although it appears that their competitions did not always receive the attention that their male counterparts did. Some of them participated in multiple festivals over a period of years in footraces and mousike contests, while others engaged in the more “masculine” competitions of the pyrrhic dance, hunting, and wrestling. These were women whom we should not expect to transition from doing the chores at the mother’s house to winning at Panhellenic games without some kind of regular training, and who regularly attended and became members of the gymnasium and the palaestra.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 1386-1399 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. N. Angelakis

Urban wastewater and storm management has a long history which coincides with the appearance of the first organized human settlements (ca. 3500 BC). It began in prehistoric Crete during the Early Bronze Age (ca. 3200 BC) when many remarkable developments occurred in several stages known as Minoan civilization. One of its salient characteristics was the architecture and function of its hydraulic works and especially the drainage and sewerage systems and other sanitary infrastructures in the Minoan palaces and other settlements. These technologies, although they do not give a complete picture of wastewater and stormwater technologies in ancient Greece, indicate that such technologies have been used in Greece since the Minoan times. Minoan sanitary technologies were transferred to the Greek mainland in the subsequent phases of Greek civilization, i.e. in the Mycenaean, Classical, Hellenistic, Roman, and present times. The scope of this article is the presentation and discussion of the evolution of waste- and stormwater management through the long history of Greece, focusing on the hydraulic characteristics of sanitary infrastructures. Also, the present and future trends of wastewater and stormwater management are considered. Practices achieved in prehistoric Greece may have some relevance for wastewater engineering even in modern times.


1896 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 275-279
Author(s):  
Percy Gardner

The tripod represented in Pl. XII. and in Fig. 1 is 26½ inches (m. 0·66) in height; the diameter is at the bottom 21½ inches (m. 0·54) and at the top 14 inches (m. 0·36). The material is limestone of a kind common in most parts of Greece, especially the Peloponnesus.The tripod was presented to All Souls' College in 1771 by Anthony Lefroy. The stand bears an inscription recording the gift, which contains a curious phrase in which the tripod is spoken of as ‘aram tripodem olim matri deum in templo S. Corinthi consecratum.’ I know not what the S before Corinthi may stand for. But the important thing is that the monument comes from Corinth. This is again asserted in the lettering of a print of it published by Gori in the Numismata Lefroyana, and repeated in a Magazine called The Topographer (November, 1789, p. 514), where Gori writes ‘Trovato a Corinto.’ It may be doubted whether Lefroy had any solid reason for supposing that the tripod came from a temple of the Mother of the Gods. Such a temple did exist at Corinth on the slope of the Acropolis Hill, as we learn from Pausanias. But, so far as I know, no remains of that temple have been observed in modern times. It can scarcely be regarded as likely that Lefroy had any reason to suppose that the tripod came from the actual site of that temple: it is far more probable that the figures of women standing on lions were to him a sufficient proof that the monument came from the temple of the Mother of the Gods which is mentioned by Pausanias.


2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rocio Gordillo Hervas

The coming of Greece under Roman rule marks the beginning of a series of political, administrative and most of all religious transformations, with particular regard to the diffusion across the Greek world of the Imperial Cult as an instrument of territorial cohesion. The present study focuses on a specific period, the second century AD, during which the Panhellenion, a league that incorporates those populations which share a connection with the traditional Greek world, is founded under the auspices of the emperor Hadrian. The analysis of the construction of a new Greek identity has its focus on the Panhellenion, the creation of which stems from the exchange between the imperial power and the city-elites, and on the means employed by the various cities for the renegotiation of their own indentity.


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