Late Spanish Empire

2021 ◽  
pp. 989-1010
Author(s):  
Josep M. Fradera
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Asian Country ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish Empire ◽  
American Empire ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
Liberal Constitutionalism ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Us Intervention

After the Seven Years’ War, the Spanish Empire entered into a quickening spiral of internal and external changes. International rivalries accelerated internal adjustments in the relationship between society and an increasingly bureaucratic, intrusive, and demanding state. Internal and international conflicts resulting from the late-eighteenth-century wars and the Napoleonic invasion culminated with the crisis of the American empire and the emergence of independent republics all over the Spanish America. It was in those decades that the system of three colonies that would survive until the end of the Nineteenth century—Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines—was established. In the following decades, the three remaining overseas possessions would be sites of enormous changes. The Spanish monarchy put renewed emphasis on military might, giving its authorities a praetorian standing and skirting the edges of the liberal constitutionalism that ruled the Peninsula since 1836–1837. Cuba became critically important as the world’s greatest sugar-producing region, whose wealth was the result of vast plantations worked by slaves and indentured laborers imported (despite abolition) by British, French US and Spanish vessels. Meanwhile, In parallel, the Philippines became a major tobacco grower, the center of commerce with Asia, China in particular . The crisis of slavery in the Antilles after three wars of independence (1868-1898) and the subsequent political paralysis owing to the lack of reforms weakened Spain’s position as a colonial power in the last third of the nineteenth century. The US intervention of 1898, which coincided with anti-imperialist revolutions in Cuba and the Philippines, forced Spain to definitively withdraw, putting an end to its transatlantic nexus and to the Spanish nation’s identity as an American and Asian country.

scholarly journals Punitive Entanglements: Connected Histories of Penal Transportation, Deportation, and Incarceration in the Spanish Empire (1830s-1898)

2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (S26) ◽  
pp. 169-189
Author(s):  
Christian G. De Vito
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish Empire ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThis article features a connected history of punitive relocations in the Spanish Empire, from the independence of Spanish America to the “loss” of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines in 1898. Three levels of entanglement are highlighted here: the article looks simultaneously at punitive flows stemming from the colonies and from the metropole; it brings together the study of penal transportation, administrative deportation, and military deportation; and it discusses the relationship between punitive relocations and imprisonment. As part of this special issue, foregrounding “perspectives from the colonies”, I start with an analysis of the punitive flows that stemmed from the overseas provinces. I then address punishment in the metropole through the colonial lens, before highlighting the entanglements of penal transportation and deportation in the nineteenth-century Spanish Empire as a whole.

Deportation of “Undesirable” Chinese in the Philippines, 1837–1882

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-246
Author(s):  
Jely Agamao Galang
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Labor Supply ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The State ◽  
Spanish Empire ◽  
Spanish Colonial ◽  
Formed Part ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
Primary Materials

Abstract Between 1837 and 1882, the Spanish colonial government in the Philippines deported “undesirable” Chinese—vagrants, drunkards, unemployed, idlers, pickpockets, undocumented, and the “suspicious”—to various parts of the archipelago. Deportation, in this context, refers to the transportation or banishment of individuals deemed “dangerous” by the state to different far-flung areas of the islands or outside the colony but still within the Spanish empire. Deportation primarily served as a form of punishment and a means to rehabilitate and improve the wayward lives of “criminals.” This paper examines the deportation of “undesirable” Chinese in the nineteenth-century Philippines. Using underutilized primary materials from various archives in Manila and Madrid, it interrogates the actors, institutions and processes involved in banishing such individuals. It argues that while deportation served its punitive and reformative functions, Spanish authorities also used it to advance their colonial project in the islands. Chinese deportees formed part of the labor supply the state used to populate the colony’s frontier areas and strengthen its control over its newly-acquired territories.

Spanish Imperial Vassalage and the Social Reproduction of Slavery in Colonial Cuba

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-285
Author(s):  
Karen Y. Morrison
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Property Rights ◽  
Social Reproduction ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Private Property Rights ◽  
Center Point ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract With the social reproduction of slavery in colonial Cuba as its center point, this essay draws on the recent historiographical acknowledgment of the way vassalage mediated the often starkly drawn social distinctions between whites and enslaved people within colonial Spanish America. Inside the region’s emergent, capitalist political economy, feudal vassalage continued to define each social sector’s rights and responsibilities vis-á-vis the Spanish Crown. The rights of enslaved vassals derived from their potential contributions to the Spanish monarchy’s imperial survival, in their capacity to populate the extensive empire with loyal Catholic subjects and potential military defenders. These concerns also justified the Spanish monarchial state’s ability to intervene between its slaveholding vassals and its enslaved vassals, by limiting private property rights over enslaved people and operating in ways that did not fully conform to capitalist profit motives. Awareness of such sovereign-vassal interdependencies challenges historians to broaden their understanding of the relationship between capitalism and slavery to include the remnants of feudal social-political forms, even into the nineteenth century.

“What Are the Philippines Going to Do to Us?” E. L. Godkin on Democracy, Empire and Anti-imperialism

2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 711-727 ◽  
Author(s):  
MYLES BEAUPRE
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
American Empire ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
Spanish American War ◽  
American Imperialism ◽  
Moral Force ◽  
American Experiment ◽  
Liberal Thought

From his position as editor of theNationfrom 1865 until 1899, E. L. Godkin steered one of the liberal standard-bearers in a transatlantic network of cosmopolitan liberals. From this position he helped define nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism. However, while Godkin fitted in the mainstream of liberal thought in 1865, by the time he retired he occupied the conservative fringe. Godkin never made the transition from a nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism to a newer nationalistic democratic liberalism because democracy failed him. Instead of peace, commerce, and learning, democracy created an American Empire rooted in war, protectionism, ignorance, jingoism, and plunder, culminating in the Spanish–American War. Godkin's critique of American imperialism was thus based on his pessimistic but perceptive reading of the flaws of American democracy. Godkin believed that the rise of “jingoist” democracy had doomed the American “experiment” and thought that the nation had slipped into the historical, degenerative cycle of empire. By tracing Godkin's increasingly bitter warnings about the dangers of democracy in the second half of the nineteenth century, we can catch a glimpse of a dying worldview that questioned the ability of democracy to act as a moral force in the world.

scholarly journals ESTRATÉGIAS SENHORIAIS, ARTIMANHAS CATIVAS: RELAÇÕES ESCRAVISTAS NA FRONTEIRA ENTRE O BRASIL E O URUGUAI (SÉCULO XIX)

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Marcelo Santos Matheus
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Livestock Production ◽  
Spanish Empire ◽  
Slave System ◽  
Southern Brazil ◽  
Cattle Breeding ◽  
Southern Border ◽  
Paraguayan War ◽  
The Relationship

A fronteira sul do Império brasileiro foi palco de constantes conflitos. Seja entre os luso-brasileiros e o Império espanhol, entre os brasileiros e orientais ou argentinos, seja a Guerra do Paraguai, a região teve poucos momentos de paz ao longo do século XIX. Do mesmo modo, durante o Oitocentos, o regramento sobre o sistema escravista brasileiro sofreu importantes percalços, como o fim do tráfico em 1850 e a Lei do Ventre Livre em 1871. No Brasil meridional, a abolição da escravidão no Uruguai foi outro fator de desestabilização da instituição escravista. Mesmo em meio a estas contendas e mesmo com as mudanças pelas quais passavam as relações escravistas (no Brasil e fora dele), ali se estabeleceu a mais expressiva criação de gado de todo o país. E, mais importante, produção pecuária que tinha na mão de obra escrava algo estruturante de sua organização. É neste contexto que estudamos a relação entre fronteira e escravidão no presente artigo. Nele, buscamos entender como senhores e escravos lidavam com o espaço fronteiriço, utilizando tal aspecto em seu benefício. Foi possível identificar que a fronteira ora servia para que cada um dos polos buscasse seus objetivos, ora para forjar acordos entre eles, sendo sempre um fator fundante das relações ali produzidas.Palavras-chave: Escravidão. Brasil meridional. Fronteira.ABSTRACTThe southern border of the Brazilian Empire was the scene of constant conflicts. Between the Luso-Brazilians and the Spanish Empire, between the Brazilians and the Orientals or the Argentines, or the Paraguayan War, the region had few moments of peace during the nineteenth century. Likewise, during the nineteenth century, the rule on the Brazilian slave system suffered major setbacks, such as the end of trafficking in 1850 and the Free Womb Law in 1871. In southern Brazil, the abolition of slavery in Uruguay was another destabilizing factor of the slave institution. Even in the midst of these struggles, and even with the changes through which slave relations passed (in Brazil and elsewhere), there was established the most expressive cattle breeding in the whole country. And, more important, livestock production that had on the labor slave something structuring of its organization. It is in this context that we study the relationship between frontier and slavery in this article. In it, we sought to understand masters and slaves dealing with the frontier space, using such aspect to their advantage. It was possible to identify that the frontier now served for each of the poles to pursue their objectives, sometimes served to forge agreements between them, always being a founding factor of the relations produced there.Keywords: Slavery. Southern Brazil. Border.

Pueblo, City, Empire

2019 ◽  
pp. 21-47
Author(s):  
Jessica M. Kim
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Manifest Destiny ◽  
Spanish Empire ◽  
Financial Networks ◽  
American Empire ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Mexican American War

This chapter explores how Los Angeles’s imperial aspirations at the end of the nineteenth century originated with figures such as Civil War veteran and diplomat William Rosecrans, who campaigned vocally for investors in Southern California to invest in Mexico and to tie the two regions together through financial networks. For context, it gives an overview of the Spanish empire in Los Angeles as well as the American ideology of Manifest Destiny that prompted the Mexican-American War. It then explores early investment connections between Los Angeles and Mexico through the figures of Rosecrans, Mexican president Porfirio Díaz, Mexican diplomat Guillermo Andrade, and Mexican American Ignacio Sepúlveda. These individuals were instrumental in creating an investment and trade network based in Los Angeles and extending into Mexico as early as the 1870s. Many of these individuals also advocated for the creation of an “informal” American empire to facilitate investment in Mexico and the growth of Los Angeles.

End of the Empire: The Spanish Philippines and Puerto Rico in the Nineteenth Century

Itinerario ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell K. Skowronek
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
New World ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Spanish Empire ◽  
Indigenous Populations ◽  
Initial Contact ◽  
Spanish Colonization ◽  
Spanish Colonies ◽  
Physical Manifestation

AbstractAs we pass the Quincentennial of the founding of the Spanish empire we stand within two years of marking the centennial of its demise in Asia and the New World in 1998. In recent years, much research has focused on the changes wrought on indigenous populations at the time of initial contact, but little consideration has been given to the material legacy of this empire. This study will examine the material aspects of two Spanish colonies, the Philippines and Puerto Rico at the end of nearly four centuries of Spanish colonization. Archaeological evidence from the two colonies is compared and contextualised within the economic order of the nineteenth century in order to better evaluate the nature of the physical manifestation of late Spanish colonialism.

scholarly journals Picturing Forgotten Filipinx: Family Photographs and Resisting U.S. Colonial Amnesias

Genealogy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Stevie Cadiz ◽  
Alma M. Ouanesisouk Trinidad
Keyword(s):  
Community Care ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
American Empire ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Visual Storytelling ◽  
Family Photographs ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
The U.S

U.S. imperialism in the Philippines has led to the multiple generations of diasporic conditions of colonial amnesia and systematic forgetting of history. Its impact on the Filipinx community has left unrecorded memories and voices of immigrants silenced, and considered lost to history. This study examines the relationship between U.S. colonialism and imperialism in the Philippines and the experiences of Filipinx immigration to the U.S. through a critical Indigenous feminist lens of visual imagery and storytelling. Given that many of the experiences within the Filipinx diaspora in relation to the American Empire have been systematically forgotten and erased, this study utilizes family photographs in framing the challenges and reinscribes harmful hegemonic U.S. colonial and imperial narratives. With a combination of semi-structured interviews and photo analysis as a form of visual storytelling, the family photographs within the Filipinx diaspora may reframe, challenge, and resist hegemonic U.S. colonial and imperial narratives by holding memories of migration, loss, family belonging, and community across spatial and generational boundaries that attempt to erase by the U.S. nation-state. Results shed light on resistance and survivance through bayanihan (community care) spirit.

With and Without an Empire

2016 ◽  
Vol 85 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-71
Author(s):  
Marie Christine Duggan
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Spanish Empire ◽  
California Indians ◽  
Military Forces ◽  
Emergency Measure ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Way

Conventional wisdom has it that, in the eighteenth century, California’s mission Indians labored without recompense to support the Spanish military and other costs of imperial administration. This article challenges this conventional wisdom, arguing that it was not until the Spanish empire unraveled in the nineteenth century that Indians labored at missions with little compensation. Spain stopped subsidizing California in 1810, at which point the systematic non-payment of Christian Indians for goods supplied to the California military was implemented as an emergency measure. In 1825, independent Mexico finally sent a new governor to California, but military payroll was never reinstated in its entirety. Not surprisingly, most accounts of military confrontation between California Indians and combined mission/military forces date from the 1810 to 1824 period. By investigating an underutilized source—account books of exports and imports for four missions—the article explores two issues: first, the processes of cooptation inside missions up to 1809, and secondly, the way that Spain’s cessation of financing in 1810 affected the relationship with Indians.

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