Indonesia’s Response to the Pandemic

2021 ◽  
pp. 307-320
Author(s):  
Nadirsyah Hosen ◽  
Nurussyariah Hammado
Keyword(s):  
Medical Association ◽  
The Political ◽  
Slow Response ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
National Capital ◽  
Political Rivalry

This chapter analyzes the Jokowi government’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic and explains why it has not been capable of responding quickly to Covid-19. There were four main barriers: first, the unhealthy relationship between the Indonesian Medical Association and the recently appointed minister of health affairs; second, the political rivalry between Indonesian President Joko Widodo’s (known as Jokowi) administration and the current governor of Jakarta, the national capital of Indonesia; third, the incompetence of the Jokowi cabinet, where lack of leadership has been shown during the crisis; and finally, the conservative religious groups’ position, rejecting the request not to organize mass prayers. The combination of these four barriers contributed to the slow response and ineffectiveness of the government’s policies and regulations during the Covid-19 crisis. The response was too little, too late. The Jokowi administration was pushed into a corner, making unclear policies, uncoordinated responses, and conflicting statements.

La recherche appliquée: le cas du « Katholiek Sociaal Kerkelijk Instituut (KASKI) » aux Pays-Bas

1971 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-637 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Holl ◽  
Hyacinthe Crépin
Keyword(s):  
Professional Competence ◽  
Rapid Change ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
Religious Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The People ◽  
Pastoral Planning ◽  
Senior Research ◽  
The Right

Following Vatican II changes are rapidly taking place within Dutch Catholicism — the bishops no longer make decisions in an authoritarian way: religious practice is de clining ; priests and religious are decreasing in numbers and many religious and pastoral experiments have come into being. KASKI has the responsibility of keeping pace with the Church during this process of change. In order to do this it makes use of several modes of work — the production of statistics relating to the position of religion in Society, the planning of religious and pastoral institutions and the study of new forms of the religious life in orders and congregations. For the first task it has used the same instruments for twenty- five years and the censuses thus produced yield valuable infor mation. As far as pastoral planning is concerned, it works in the field, playing the role of catalyst for those who have to make decisions and the people who have to carry out these decisions. This was the case, for instance, in the pastoral planning of the town of Eindhoven. Finally, when dealing with the new forms of communal religious life it adopts the method of studying through participation so that two of its researchers working in this sector are themselves members of religious groups. Applied research poses important problems, both from the methodological and from the political points of view. Amongst them may be noted the difficulty of determining precisely what constitutes rapid change in religious life, and the political choice of the persons for whom the research is being con ducted; the latter inevitably imposes a certain degree of conformity upon the perspectives of the work. (For example, the choice of the Dutch hierarchy which was to follow the general lines given by a large majority of Catholic opinion when it was tested particularly on questions like the liturgical and parochial changes). The fact, also, that the director of KASKI himself has a personal commitment to what may be described as the « right of centre » position in Dutch Catho licism poses problems for the work of the Institute. Political and religious radicalism is not a strong characteristic of the more senior research workers. KASKI is a rare example of a centre which brings socio logists together and uses their professional competence to accompany change in religious institutions.

Economic Reforms in Jamaica

1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 97-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anders Danielson
Keyword(s):  
Exchange Rate ◽  
Informal Sector ◽  
Budget Deficit ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rural Poor ◽  
Slow Response ◽  
Formal Sector ◽  
Paper Briefly ◽  
The Past

AbstractThis paper briefly discusses the economic reforms that have taken place in Jamaica for the past 15 years and argues that the reforms, at least so far, are mixed, particularly with regard to the elimination of poverty. The basic problems are (1) a slow response of exports to large, frequent adjustments in the exchange rate, which prohibits low-wage labor, in the informal sector, from being absorbed into the formal sector; and (2) the large budget deficit, with the associated demands for large cuts in expenditures, which primarily affects the rural poor. It is suggested that the principal reason that reforms have been slow is because of the political price to be paid for unpopular measures in a competitive democracy

Brytyjska Izba Lordów na przełomie XIX i XX wieku... Ewolucja pozycji w systemie politycznym

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 125-141
Author(s):  
Andrzej Jaeschke
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Political Position ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Electoral Reforms

The paper concerns the evolution of the political position of the House of Lords until the end of the 19thcentury. The author presents the time of stabilisation of the relations of the two parliamentary chambers andidentifies its causes. He also discusses the increasing disruption of relations between the two chambers ofthe British Parliament following from electoral reforms and, consequently, the decomposition of the hithertounified conservative political environment and the emergence of liberal forces. This resulted in increasinglystrong ideological and political rivalry between the conservative House of Lords and the largely liberal Houseof Commons.

scholarly journals Condemning Religion: RLUIPA and the Politics of Eminent Domain

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Serkin ◽  
Nelson Tebbe
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Important Implication ◽  
Safety Valve ◽  
Eminent Domain ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Federal Statute ◽  
The One ◽  
Special Protection

85 Notre Dame Law Review 1 (2009)Should religious landowners enjoy special protection from eminent domain? A recent federal statute, the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA), compels courts to apply a compelling interest test to zoning and landmarking regulations that substantially burden religiously owned property. That provision has been controversial in itself, but today a new cutting-edge issue is emerging: whether the Act’s extraordinary protection should extend to condemnation as well. The matter has taken on added significance in the wake of Kelo, where the Supreme Court reaffirmed its expansive view of the eminent domain power. In this Article, we argue that RLUIPA should not give religious assemblies any extraordinary ability to resist condemnation. We offer two principal reasons for this proposal. First, the political economy surrounding condemnation is markedly different from that of zoning, so that broadening the law’s protections beyond zoning to cover outright takings would be unnecessary and ineffective. Second, the costs of presumptively exempting congregations from condemnation are likely to be far higher than the costs of doing so with respect to zoning. In conclusion, we identify an important implication of our argument for the law’s core zoning provision – namely, our proposal invites local governments to circumvent RLUIPA by simply condemning religious property that they find difficult to zone because of the Act. On the one hand, this gives local governments a needed safety valve while, on the other hand, requiring them to pay just compensation to religious groups. Our proposal therefore suggests a powerful compromise.

scholarly journals Local Wisdom and National Integration in Indonesia: A Case Study of Inter-Religious Harmony amid Social and Political Upheaval in Bunga Bondar, South Tapanuli

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
Rosmaida Sinaga ◽  
Flores Tanjung ◽  
Yuri Nasution
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
National Integration ◽  
Local Leadership ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
Dutch Colonial

This study emphasizes on inter-religious affairs happened in Bunga Bondar, South Tapanuli began to experience turmoil when thenational movement era started in 1908 and itstillhappens to present-day. The Dutch colonial government advocated for inter-religiousharmony at a local level. The policy was pursued by the the Dutch colonial government out offear that the Indonesian people would developa sense of unity and fraternityamong them, thereby intensifying thespirit of nationalism. The Dutch government’s concern eventuallycame true when the power of the Christian wingof the national movement cooperated with itsIslamic counterpart. Along with the political upheavalsand social changes experienced by the Indonesian people, the harmony between religious groups in various regions was affected. Despite migration, changes of central and local leadership, and the flow of modernization that took place, the dynamics of inter-religious harmony of the 1930s are still present today.The tradition, the spirit of harmony, leadership models, and the application of local wisdom are all the key to the survival of inter-religious harmony in Bunga Bondar, South Tapanuli, as findings in research that can be used as a guide or model to build national integrity.

Managing Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka through Constitutional Arrangements

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Ilam Khan
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
History Of

Marginalization causes conflicts; they may be political, social, or economic. A careful contemplation over the history of Sri Lanka reveals that the sentiments of being marginalized have been present — in one (ethnic) group or the other — in the island right from its independence. When the majority ethnic group, i.e., the Sinhala, was in a position of power, it manipulated the constitution of the country to safeguard its own interests. This widened the rift among different ethnic and religious groups, especially between the Sinhala and the Tamil. This structural marginalization resulted in a civil war, starting in 1983, that lasted for 26 years. However, the ethnic conflict did not resolve even after the end of the civil war and continues to exist in the form of a political struggle between the Tamil and Sinhala. The Tamil demand for federation, autonomy, inclusion, and self-determination can only be achieved through constitutional means. Therefore, this research evaluates the post-Civil Warconstitutional development and amendment processes that were, at a point in time, more pluralistic and liberal, and contributing well to managing the ethnic conflict in the country. It was expected that the ethnic conflict would be permanently resolved through the constitutional arrangements, which Sri Lanka was already heading. However, the majority (Sinhala) reversed the progress through a new (20th) amendment to the constitution. Against this backdrop, this article argues that all segments of the society can be accommodated in the political sphere of the state through political liberalization which is possible only through constitutional arrangements.

“Bridges of Reconciliation”

2019 ◽  
pp. 96-127
Author(s):  
Petra Goedde
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Internal State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Universal Code ◽  
Peace Activism ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Political Realm

A host of religious individuals and groups became politically active on behalf of world peace at the height of the Cold War. Those groups tried to add a religious dimension to the debates about Cold War international relations, while at the same time pushing the religious conceptualization of peace into the political realm. The Cold War turned religious groups and individuals into political activists. These activists still promulgated peace as an internal state of spiritual harmony, common to many of the world’s largest religions, including Christianity, Judaism, and Hinduism. But they added a new dimension that stressed its communal, political, and global aspirations. They merged the ideals of peace activism and ecumenism in the postwar world by relying on the universal code enshrined in the global human rights agenda, doing so a decade before the secular human rights revolution erupted in the 1970s.

Doctors, Politics and Pay Disputes: ‘pressure Group Politics’ Revisited

1972 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore R. Marmor ◽  
David Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Medical Association ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Civic Life ◽  
The Third ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
Medical Groups ◽  
Group Politics ◽  
The Impact

Studies of medical politics usually emphasize one of the following types of inquiries: (a) analyzing the internal politics of medical organizations, as with Oliver Garceau's classic study of the American Medical Association; (b) describing and explaining the roles individual physicians play in the political life of the community as voters, officials, or citizen participants in civic life; or, (c) assessing the impact of medical groups and organizations on public policy, particularly health policy. Harry Eckstein's widely known study of the British Medical Association is primarily a study of the third type, a discussion of the channels of influence, the tactics, and the effectiveness of the BMA in shaping public policy to its ends.

Appius Claudius Caecus and the Via Appia

1980 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Macbain
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Principal Lines

The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the principal lines of approach which have been taken to the career of Appius Claudius Caecus in the hope of formulating a view of the censor which is neither over-dramatized nor, on the other hand, so muted as to deny recognition to those aspects of his political behaviou which so greatly exercised his contemporaries. In so doing, I will argue that previous studies of Appius' career have sought in the wrong places for an explanation of the political rivalry between him and his opponents and I will offer an interpretation of his censorial acts—and of one of them in particular—which, I believe, may account for this rivalry.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document