scholarly journals Rome’s Dire Straits

Author(s):  
Victoria Rimell

This chapter considers the poetics of Roman imperial expansion in three dimensions. It investigates the depth and density of straits and clogged waterways—paradigmatically the Hellespont—in Latin poetry from Catullus to Statius, arguing that such spaces become laboratories for the ways in which poetic and military power is amplified in imperial texts via restriction, contraction, and pressure rather than by expatiation. The aim here is to go beyond recent critical appraisals of straits on either side of the Black Sea as simply representing an ‘overcrowded literary tradition’, in which expectations are confounded, bellicose epic is mitigated or postponed, and Alexandrian principles ironically reconfirmed. By the second half of the first century CE, as Roman poetry gets to grips with and reshapes discourses of empire, the spatial metaphors that underpin its evolution are smashed apart.

Author(s):  
Davit Lomitashvili ◽  
◽  
Nikoloz Murghulia ◽  
Besik Lordtkipanidze ◽  
Tamila Kapanadze ◽  
...  

Because of the complicated foreign policy in the fourth century (regular attacks of the Goths and Huns on Roman Empire, the rise of Persia and subordination of Kartli, Armenia and Albania), Rome was unable to exert proper control over its eastern provinces, including the eastern Black Sea coast and, accordingly, it was compelled to put up with the Lazis becoming more and more active in western Georgia [Muskhelishvili 2012:39]. Apparently, the Lazis evaluated the existing situation properly and gradually made their neighboring tribes of the Apsils, Abazgs and Sanigs subordinate to them [Lomouri 2011:119-120]. Unification of the western Georgian tribes by the Lazis and formation of a strong kingdom was in the interests of the Roman Empire too. Scholars suggest that Rome encouraged this process, rather than hindering it, because presence of a strong kingdom in western Georgia which had control over various passes and fortified cities on the Black Sea coast would serve as a defensive barrier for eastern provinces of Rome from northern nomadic tribes [Melikishvili 1970:556-557; Lomouri 2011:120; Muskhelishvili 2012:39]. Procopius of Caesarea puts special emphasis on this situation. According to him, “For the barbarians inhabiting the Caucasus Lazika is just an obstacle” [Procopius of Caesarea 1965:94]. Thus, from the third century, the Lazis gradually annexed the tribes residing in western Georgia and laid foundation for the kingdom of Lazika (Egrisi), whose borders approximately fell within the limits of western Georgia (Fig. 1). The king of Lazika had subordinated the neighboring tribes, but, on the other hand, formally it was a vassal of the Roman (Byzantine) emperor. According to Procopius of Caesarea, the Lazis “were Romans’ subordinate, but they did not pay any tribute or submit to them. The only thing they did was that when their king died, the Roman king would send an heir to the throne, or the symbol of power, to them. The latter would rigorously protect the borders of this country together with his subordinates so that the hostile Hunns would be unable to invade Roman lands from the Lazis’ bordering Caucasus Mountains passing through Lazika. They firmly protected them without getting any money or army from the Romans and did not go to war with the Romans either [Procopius of Caesarea 1965:72-73]. It is obvious that despite gaining factual independence, Romans still had considerable influence on western Georgia. It is not surprising - from the first century BC, after Pompey campaigned against Colchis and later (in the first-second cc AD) Rome deployed garrisons on the Black Sea coast, Rome gained a firm foothold in western Georgia. Analysis of archaeological material shows that this influence was not only political, but economic and cultural as well. For instance, the inland area of western Georgia yielded a large number of Roman coins of the first three centuries of the common era. Among them remarkable is a hoard of silver coins of the second-third centuries (907 items) discovered in Village Eki (Senaki Municipality) in 1971. It included a drachma of King Orod II of Parthia (57-38) and didrachmas and denarii minted in the names of Roman emperors Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, Antoninus Pius, Lucius Verus, Commodus, Pertinax, Niger, Septimius Severus and so on. 774 coins of the Eki hoard are struck in the mint of Caesarea, 131 – in the mints of Rome and those of the eastern provinces of Roman Empire, and the rest – in other provinces [G. Dundua, V. Tsirghvava 1971:42:45]. This and other contemporaneous discoveries prove that in the late Roman period Roman influence in western Georgia, especially in its western regions, was really strong.


2020 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 117-144
Author(s):  
Mark L. Lawall ◽  
Chavdar Tzochev

Research on transport amphorae in the Aegean and the Black Sea regions during the past decade has progressed significantly, both accumulating, synthesizing and interpreting new and old data, and increasing attention given to previously neglected areas and periods. Much work has been done on identifying places of production, defining typological development and refining chronologies. Greece and Turkey are achieving greater prominence in the field, as is attention to the Early Iron Age. Old debates – such as on the purposes and the meanings of amphora stamps – have been reignited with new ideas and the roles of transport amphorae in socio-economic systems continue to draw attention. Another emerging trend is the effort to consider amphorae in the longue durée. As material grows and the field becomes more cosmopolitan, amphora studies increasingly face the challenge of aggregating and synthesizing data in a way that can encourage participation in the broader dialogues of economic historians.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-39
Author(s):  
Ilie Răsvan DUMITRU

  The present paper analyzes the projection of Russia's economic and military power in the Black Sea region, seen both in terms of its huge resources and as a way of projecting military power in the coastal States and the Eastern Mediterranean. The energy perspective is important in Russia's geopolitics, and the Black Sea region is perceived by it as the point of confluence of several globalist interests, in which Russia desires not only to be a mediator, but the decisive pivot to impose regional policy. Creating an energy dependency of the West on Russian resources represents a well-defined political goal in the Russian strategy. Russian gas is thus becoming a Trojan horse, by which Russia can influence European policies, this energy instrument being complemented by other powerful instruments aimed at undermining or diminishing NATO's role in Eastern Europe. Russian interests are concentrating firstly on the desire to maintain different levels of political and economic influence in each coastal State, to maintain the Black Sea under control for oil or gas exports and other maritime transport through Novorossiysk port as well as preventing a security deficit toward NATO that could threaten the South-West flank of Kremlin. In pursuing these interests, Russia's strategy is based on the use of political, diplomatic, information and economic instruments, which are supported by an increasingly credible military capacity, analyzed and explained in this paper.   Keywords: Russian-Ukrainian war; Crimea; energy weapon; Black Sea


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 1463-1469
Author(s):  
Atanaska Popova

The Black Sea region is of crucial significance for Europe, being a major crossroads of east-west and south-north corridors.The article provides an overview of the construction and development of the Russian Black Sea Fleet during various historical periods. The focus is on the modernisation and construction of new military capabilities of the fleet, as well as the growth of Russian military power in the Black Sea and southern Russia area, following the annexation of Crimea in 2014. It is summarized an updated information on the Russian Black Sea fleet. The article shows that Russia accelerated militarization in the Black Sea area, which inevitably changes the paradigm of security in the region. This will probably lead to a response from NATO and will in general make the region even more uncertain, as the arms race will deepen. The author makes a prediction that the confrontation between NATO and Russia in the region will deepen. It is summarized that Bulgaria should continue its participation in the implementation of the measures for the adapted front presence of NATO in the Black Sea region.


1979 ◽  
Vol 40 (C2) ◽  
pp. C2-445-C2-448
Author(s):  
D. Barb ◽  
L. Diamandescu ◽  
M. Morariu ◽  
I. I. Georgescu

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