Diversity within Mission Leadership

2020 ◽  
pp. 83-114
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Bove ◽  
Chiara Ruffa ◽  
Andrea Ruggeri

This chapter explores the issue of diversity within mission’s leadership: between the Special Representatives of the Secretary-General (SRSG) and the Force Commanders (FC). It asks how this affects operational performances. In three case studies, UNIFIL II, MINUSMA and MINUSCA, the chapter finds the presence of communication and coordination problems, mainly related to personalities rather than diversity. Occasionally, the problem was a lack of experience of leadership. Another issue that emerges is the difficulty of SRSGs to act as the principal in relation to security issues. Yet, with learning and expert advisors these dimensions can easily be overcome. The chapter then introduces new data on SRSGs and FCs for all the operations in the post-Cold War period. The quantitative analysis shows a negative correlation between diversity within a mission’s leadership and the level of civilian victimization and battle deaths. As such, diversity seems to have beneficial conflict reduction effects.

2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jörn Dosch ◽  
Oliver Hensengerth

AbstractThe paper analyses the security dimension of the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) by taking into account traditional as well as non-traditional security issues. The Greater Mekong Subregion, which was established in 1992 at the initiative of the ADB, emerged after the Cold War in the wake of the so-called new regionalism as one of the growth triangles within ASEAN. Participating countries/regions are China's Yunnan province, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. The article places the discussion of the Greater Mekong Subregion within the debate on post-Cold War sub-regionalism and sets out to discuss the development of regionalism in the Mekong Basin. The article shows how economic cooperation is followed in the pursuit of security and stability in a formerly conflict-ridden area and assesses the relevance of the GMS towards the issue of conflict reduction in the Mekong Basin.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Emily M. Alford

This book presents the reader with both facts and conclusions drawn from three case studies. Authors Ralph Espach, Daniel Haering, Javier Meléndez Quiñonez, and Miguel Castillo Giron focus on the lack of security along Guatemala’s borders and the serious narcotics trafficking, execution-style mass murders, and other severe public security issues that have developed as a result. This research looks closely at the effects of criminal organizations and illicit trafficking within the three particular border municipalities of Guatemala—Sayaxché, Gualán, and Malacatán. The three areas are compared demographically and economically, and through which a deeper analysis is developed on creating better border control through the behaviors of the local communities themselves.


Author(s):  
Nesrin Sarigul-Klijn ◽  
Anthony White

This article details a novel method for the determination of safe flight paths dynamically following an in-flight distress event. The method is based on probabilistic safety metrics which also include the touchdown and evacuation/rescue phases after landing. Two case studies simulating in-flight distress events, one from the west and the other from the east coast are presented using these formulations for a quantitative analysis. It is found that the nearest landing sites are not always the safest ones showing the benefits of the newly developed safety metrics. Finally, the path safety levels are plotted as a function of mission safety probability values using innovative polar plots that provide useful information to pilots.


2021 ◽  
pp. 139-165
Author(s):  
Andrew Rudalevige

This chapter examines to another aspect of executive order management. It turns out that the average executive order takes some seventy-five days to move from draft proposal to the Federal Register, with huge variation around that figure. What affects that timing? What makes an executive order take longer to issue? What characteristics of orders and agencies, of interagency interaction and requirements of the management process itself, are associated with delay? Quantitative analysis, elaborated by case studies, helps us explore these questions for the first time as the duration of the formulation process is tested as a proxy for executive collective action problems.


Author(s):  
Gisela Hirschmann

This chapter contains two case studies analyzing the evolution of pluralist accountability in response to the violation of the rights of detainees held in Kosovo by the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General and the NATO-led military operation KFOR. The analysis reveals that while pluralist accountability evolved in the case of detentions by the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), it failed with regard to KFOR detentions. The competitive environment stimulated regional organizations to sharpen their profiles as external accountability holders, in both cases by establishing an Ombudsperson Institution and a Human Rights Advisory Panel. However, the difference in UNMIK’s and KFOR’s vulnerability with regard to human rights demands explains why pluralist accountability evolved only in the case of UNMIK.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (61) ◽  
Author(s):  
Almudena Alonso-Ferreiro ◽  
Uxía Regueira ◽  
María-Helena Zapico-Barbeito

Este artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación centrada en conocer el grado de desarrollo de la competencia digital de niñas y niños de 11 y 12 años de la Comunidad Autónoma de Galicia. El foco se pone en el desarrollo de la identidad digital y la gestión de la privacidad, cuestiones de seguridad digital en el marco de referencia DigComp. Se presenta un estudio mixto que combina seis estudios de casos y la administración de una prueba de evaluación de la competencia digital (ECODIES) en la que participan, atendiendo a las variables de género y dimensión seguridad, 486 escolares. Los resultados apuntan a una discordancia entre las buenas actitudes y alta concienciación en el uso seguro de la tecnología, especialmente por parte de las niñas, y las prácticas reales en la red, mediadas por los discursos de alarma social que afectan a las formas de participación de uno y otro género, This article presents the results of an investigation focused on knowing the degree of development of the digital competence of girls and boys aged 11 and 12 in the Autonomous Community of Galicia (Spain). The focus is on the development of digital identity and privacy management, digital security issues in the DigComp framework. We present a mixed study that combines six case studies and the administration of a digital competence assessment test (ECODIES) that included participation, according to the gender and security dimension variables, of 486 schoolchildren. The results reveal a disagreement between good attitudes and high awareness in the safe use of technology, especially by girls, and real practices on the web, mediated by social alarm discourses that affect the forms of participation of both genders.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Niebuhr

When Yugoslav strongman Josip Broz Tito secured power at the end of the Second World War, he had envisioned for himself a new Yugoslavia that would serve as the center of power for the Balkan Peninsula. First, he worked to ensure a Yugoslav presence in the Trieste region of Italy and southern Austria as a way to gain territory inhabited by Slovenes and Croats; meanwhile, his other foreign policy escapades sought to make Yugoslavia into a major European power. To that end, Yugoslav agents quickly worked to synchronize the Albanian socio-economic and political systems through their support of Albanian Partisans and only grew emboldened over time. As allies who proved themselves in the fight against fascism, Yugoslav policymakers felt able to act with impunity throughout the early post-Cold War period. The goal of this article is to highlight this early foreign policy by focusing on three case studies – Trieste, Carinthia, and Albania – as part of an effort to reinforce the established argument over Tito's quest for power in the early Cold War period.


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