Split-Level Legitimacy and Politicization in EU Governance

Author(s):  
Vivien A. Schmidt

Chapter 3 explores the dilemmas of the EU’s “split-level” legitimacy, where output and throughput operate primarily at the EU level and input at the national, and then examines the impact of politicization on both national and EU levels. The chapter begins by considering the EU’s legitimacy problems stemming from the fragmentation of its governing activities, with policies and processes located mainly at the EU level while politics remains national. While the EU has been largely successful in improving legitimacy in all three categories over time, it has faced major challenges to legitimacy. In the Eurozone crisis, citizens’ sense of EU legitimacy has suffered even if their EU-related identity may not have. The chapter then focuses on the EU’s biggest challenge, the politicization of EU governance. After briefly describing the longstanding depoliticization of EU technocratic governance, this section argues that the EU’s politicization has been increasing not only at the bottom, as evidenced by the weakening of mainstream parties to the benefit of populist challengers, or from the bottom up, as national politics influences EU actors, but also at the top, where EU actors have become more politicized. The chapter uses the debates about who is in charge or control of EU governance to show how scholars’ defense of “their” actor through “new” or traditional versions of intergovernmentalism, supranationalism, and parliamentarism actually demonstrates the EU’s increasingly political dynamics of interaction. This chapter ends with the question: Is such politicization a good thing or a bad thing?

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Alexander Baranovsky ◽  
Nataliia Tkachenko ◽  
Vladimer Glonti ◽  
Valentyna Levchenko ◽  
Kateryna Bogatyrova ◽  
...  

Traditionally, public procurement has been associated with the measurement of achieving savings. However, recent research shows that the economic impact of public procurement is not limited only to savings, but by measuring the impact of four capitals—natural, human, social, and economic—on sustainable well-being over time. Ukraine is a country with a very low gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, which exacerbates the problem of the impact of public procurement results on the population’s welfare. Ukrainian public procurement legislation allows customers to apply non-price criteria (the share of non-price criteria cannot be more than 70%), which, together, are taken into account in the formula of the quoted price. The studies show that the effect of the use of non-price criteria depends on the relevance of the method of the evaluation of non-price criteria. The most important non-price criteria for Ukrainian customers by product categories and the methods of their evaluation are analyzed according to the Bi.prozorro.org analytics module. Therefore, it is concluded that the quoted price method, which is used in Ukrainian practice, is not relevant in comparison with the method used in the EU. A survey of the government buyers on the practice of applying non-price criteria was conducted, and the areas of their use were identified.


2021 ◽  
pp. 030981682110615
Author(s):  
Vladimir Bortun

The Eurozone crisis and its austerity-centred management opened up a fertile ground for the so-called ‘radical left parties’ (RLPs) and their anti-austerity agenda. Moreover, it provided a unique opportunity for this party family to enhance its rather underdeveloped transnational cooperation. Sharing several objective and subjective features, SYRIZA (Greece) and Podemos (Spain) – arguably the two most prominent European RLPs today – seemed particularly well-placed to develop a strong transnational cooperation. However, the current literature has hardly addressed whether such expectations have been borne out. Indeed, despite a recently increased interest in the radical left, there are still very few studies focusing on the transnational cooperation among RLPs. Building on documentary research and qualitative elite interviews covering the 2014–2017 period, the article has two main objectives: first, to map the cooperation between SYRIZA and Podemos by identifying the key channels and actors of this process; second, to assess their cooperation over said period, with a focus on the factors fuelling and obstructing it. The article argues that the relationship between the two parties reached its peak around SYRIZA’s electoral victory in January 2015 but declined following its deal with the ‘Troika’ 6 months later, which blatantly contradicted SYRIZA’s anti-austerity programme. It is shown that while the main incentives behind their cooperation have been their shared opposition to neoliberalism, the European Union’s (EU) reaction to the crisis, and the similarities in their countries’ economic situations, the main obstacles hindering that cooperation have been the primacy of national politics and the diverging views on the EU. The findings arguably provide useful insights for the wider left transnational cooperation today, in a time of renewed global capitalist crisis, when such cooperation is perhaps more relevant than ever.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Hilson

AbstractThe departure of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU) (often referred to as ‘Brexit’) is likely to have a significant impact on the environment. In this article I argue against seeing the traffic as all one way. While there was a temptation for the advocates of staying in the EU, in the context of referendum campaigning, to portray the UK as a laggard pressured into positive environmental performance by the EU as leader, the reality is that the UK has also strengthened the EU’s environmental policy in some areas and seen its own weakened in others. Influence in both directions has also varied over time. The article goes on to consider core ‘Leave’ arguments around sovereignty and ‘taking back control’, exploring the implications of these in the specific context of environmental governance. In discussing subsidiarity, it concludes that leaving the EU will not remove the need for pooling some sovereignty over environmental matters at the international level and, in the context of devolution, at the UK level.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
Markus Johansson

This article focuses on the impact of the UK’s decision to leave the EU on cooperation within the Council of the EU. It does so by studying how cooperation between member states has changed from the period before the Brexit referendum to the period after. In the emerging literature on Brexit, it has been highlighted that member states that have been close partners to the UK will have to (and have started to) adjust their cooperation behaviour and form new alliances. While the structure of cooperation in the Council is often understood to be stable over time, suggesting that cooperation is mainly driven by structurally determined preferences that don’t easily change, a major event such as Brexit may force remaining member states to restructure their cooperation behaviour. Accordingly, it is expected and tested whether less structurally determined preferences have grown in importance for shaping patterns of cooperation in the immediate period following the Brexit referendum. Using survey data based on interviews with member state negotiators to the Council, asking about their network ties, compiled both in the period before and after Brexit referendum of 2016, it is shown that structurally determined preferences are important in both periods and that more volatile ideologically-based preferences on the EU integration dimension and GAL-TAN dimension have become important following the referendum. The article is informative both for those interested in the effects of Brexit on EU institutions, as well as those more generally interested in causes of cooperation patterns in the Council.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1 (3)) ◽  
pp. 7-17
Author(s):  
Barbara Kowalczyk

The article deals with institutional and procedural differentiation of the EU administration. The initial model of the European administration as a non-executive one has changed over time due to a number of factors. It is indicated that the European administration has developed in several phases and each stage added a distinctive layer to the existing reality. It is not easy today to create a complete and plain picture of the administration in the EU, nor coordination and communication. Diversity and pluralism are considered to be valuable features of the EU governance. Pointing to trends of development, it seems that the EU will continue to focus mainly on processes and procedures that connect the various elements of this structure.


Author(s):  
Mai’a K. Davis Cross

The rise of international terrorism has made domestic security a high-profile issue in Europe. This chapter first provides an overview of the European experience of terrorism, and discusses how European governments have responded to terrorist threats. The focus then shifts to the EU level, as increasingly this is where the most significant developments are taking place in the field of security and counter-terrorism. The chapter delves into the development of the EU’s counter-terrorism policy, within the context of an increasingly stronger European approach to security more generally. Particular attention is paid to the impact of the ISIS-inspired attacks that took place between 2015 and 2017, including the effect they had on national politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manto Lampropoulou

The Eurozone crisis has worked as a forceful external factor for activating a series of fiscal and structural adjustments in the countries of the EU periphery. Public administration was a key reform area and has undergone notable transformations under the fiscal consolidation programmes. This paper aims at identifying the impact of the crisis on public administration with a focus on southern Europe. It reviews and compares the goals and the outcomes of the administrative reform programmes that were implemented in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain during the crisis. This cluster forms a distinct administrative paradigm emanating from the Napoleonic state tradition. The relationship between administrative tradition and administrative change or persistence is explored in a historical institutionalist perspective. The findings identify similarities, divergences and variations across and within the Southern countries, also suggesting that while certain changes occurred, the Napoleonic features of the southern administrations remained largely untouched by the reform programmes.


2009 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfram Kaiser

AbstractThis article discusses the results of recent historical research on the governance of networks and their impact on policy-making in the formative period of the EU. It concludes that historically aware research on networks in EU governance has great potential. In particular, in can contribute to enhancing our knowledge about the formation and dynamics of networks; conceptualising the role of supranational institutions such as the Commission in instigating network formation and steering new networks; and improving our understanding of change over time in the governance of networks and their policy impact in the EU.


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