Politicization in the EU: between national politics and EU political dynamics

Author(s):  
Vivien A. Schmidt
Author(s):  
Vivien A. Schmidt

Chapter 3 explores the dilemmas of the EU’s “split-level” legitimacy, where output and throughput operate primarily at the EU level and input at the national, and then examines the impact of politicization on both national and EU levels. The chapter begins by considering the EU’s legitimacy problems stemming from the fragmentation of its governing activities, with policies and processes located mainly at the EU level while politics remains national. While the EU has been largely successful in improving legitimacy in all three categories over time, it has faced major challenges to legitimacy. In the Eurozone crisis, citizens’ sense of EU legitimacy has suffered even if their EU-related identity may not have. The chapter then focuses on the EU’s biggest challenge, the politicization of EU governance. After briefly describing the longstanding depoliticization of EU technocratic governance, this section argues that the EU’s politicization has been increasing not only at the bottom, as evidenced by the weakening of mainstream parties to the benefit of populist challengers, or from the bottom up, as national politics influences EU actors, but also at the top, where EU actors have become more politicized. The chapter uses the debates about who is in charge or control of EU governance to show how scholars’ defense of “their” actor through “new” or traditional versions of intergovernmentalism, supranationalism, and parliamentarism actually demonstrates the EU’s increasingly political dynamics of interaction. This chapter ends with the question: Is such politicization a good thing or a bad thing?


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries

The European Union (EU) is facing one of the rockiest periods in its existence. At no time in its history has it looked so economically fragile, so insecure about how to protect its borders, so divided over how to tackle the crisis of legitimacy facing its institutions, and so under assault by Eurosceptic parties. The unprecedented levels of integration in recent decades have led to increased public contestation, yet at the same the EU is more reliant on public support for its continued legitimacy than ever before. This book examines the role of public opinion in the European integration process. It develops a novel theory of public opinion that stresses the deep interconnectedness between people’s views about European and national politics. It suggests that public opinion cannot simply be characterized as either Eurosceptic or not, but rather that it consists of different types. This is important because these types coincide with fundamentally different views about the way the EU should be reformed and which policy priorities should be pursued. These types also have very different consequences for behaviour in elections and referendums. Euroscepticism is such a diverse phenomenon because the Eurozone crisis has exacerbated the structural imbalances within the EU. As the economic and political fates of member states have diverged, people’s experiences with and evaluations of the EU and national political systems have also grown further apart. The heterogeneity in public preferences that this book has uncovered makes a one-size-fits-all approach to addressing Euroscepticism unlikely to be successful.


Author(s):  
Katrin Voltmer ◽  
Christiane Eilders

This chapter investigates whether the assumption that the media contribute to the communication deficit of the EU is reflected in the empirical pattern of political coverage. In particular, it explores the extent to which German media take a Europeanized perspective on political affairs and whether or not they promote the politics of European integration. The study is based on a content analysis of the editorials of German national quality newspapers covering the period between 1994 and 1998. The findings show that the media under study devote only a very small portion of their attention to European issues, thus marginalizing Europe to an extent that is not warranted by the significance of the European level of governance. If the media do focus on European issues, they predominantly address them in terms of national politics, which is interpreted as a ‘domestication’ of Europe in public discourse. At the same time, the media unanimously support the idea of European integration. This pattern of communicating Europe reflects the élite consensus on European matters in Germany and may have contributed to the alienation of the general public from European politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahiman Dani ◽  
Qolbi Khoiri

This paper aims to reveal and explain the dynamics of Islamic boarding school kiyai in relation to national politics and review the repositioning of the role of the kyai in the dynamics of national politics. Although there have been many analyzes regardingthe role of the kyai, the fact is that the ups and downs of the pesantren's kiyai position are increasingly visible. This can be proven by the practical involvement of the kyai in politics so that it has an impact on the existence of the pesantren education institutions that they manage. The results of the author's analysis illustrate that it is time for the kiyai to return to their central role as the main figure in the management of pesantren, this is important to do so that the existence of pesantren inthe modern era is maintained and focuses on reformulation of the bastion of morals and morals of the ummah which is increasingly worrying. The reformulation that the author offers is through the internalization and adaptation of modern civilization for kyai and focuses on improvements in educational institutions, both in the fields of economy, socio-culture, and technology.


Author(s):  
Philip Manow ◽  
Hanna Schwander ◽  
Bruno Palier

The Conclusion summarizes the most important findings of the book. It states a homogenization of European party systems, the emergence of a new combination of leftist socio-economic and rightist socio-cultural positions in many parties, and the rise of the radical right in the north of Europe and the radical left in the south. The contributions of this book also indicate a confluence toward renewed welfare state support among both parties and voters. Finally, center-right parties in power in continental and northern European countries, being under pressure from their rising radical right competitors, push for tougher austerity measures throughout the EU. These measures, or even just the rhetoric, further fuel the success of the radical left in the southern periphery. Hence, the Europeanization of political dynamics, combined with incompatible growth models, has created pronounced European cleavages.


Subject Survey evidence on Baltic Russophones’ attitudes to the EU and NATO. Significance Russia’s involvement in Ukraine and the 2016 US elections have raised concerns that it may attempt to sow divisions in the Baltic states between those who speak Russian as their first language and other linguistic communities, to shift the former to a more pro-Moscow position. Impacts Significant Russian-speaking minorities will shape how the Baltic states are perceived abroad, including by Russia itself. NATO units being rotated through the Baltics would be well advised to treat Russophones correctly, to help alleviate suspicions. The Centre Party’s participation in government in Estonia brings Russophones into national politics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 030981682110615
Author(s):  
Vladimir Bortun

The Eurozone crisis and its austerity-centred management opened up a fertile ground for the so-called ‘radical left parties’ (RLPs) and their anti-austerity agenda. Moreover, it provided a unique opportunity for this party family to enhance its rather underdeveloped transnational cooperation. Sharing several objective and subjective features, SYRIZA (Greece) and Podemos (Spain) – arguably the two most prominent European RLPs today – seemed particularly well-placed to develop a strong transnational cooperation. However, the current literature has hardly addressed whether such expectations have been borne out. Indeed, despite a recently increased interest in the radical left, there are still very few studies focusing on the transnational cooperation among RLPs. Building on documentary research and qualitative elite interviews covering the 2014–2017 period, the article has two main objectives: first, to map the cooperation between SYRIZA and Podemos by identifying the key channels and actors of this process; second, to assess their cooperation over said period, with a focus on the factors fuelling and obstructing it. The article argues that the relationship between the two parties reached its peak around SYRIZA’s electoral victory in January 2015 but declined following its deal with the ‘Troika’ 6 months later, which blatantly contradicted SYRIZA’s anti-austerity programme. It is shown that while the main incentives behind their cooperation have been their shared opposition to neoliberalism, the European Union’s (EU) reaction to the crisis, and the similarities in their countries’ economic situations, the main obstacles hindering that cooperation have been the primacy of national politics and the diverging views on the EU. The findings arguably provide useful insights for the wider left transnational cooperation today, in a time of renewed global capitalist crisis, when such cooperation is perhaps more relevant than ever.


2007 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-133
Author(s):  
Sohail Mahmood

The author examines the current political dynamics in Asia and the potential threat situations jeopardizing the regional security. The article looks at proliferation of nuclear weapons and the North Korean and the Iranian nuclear cases. It studies the international pressures, diplomacy moves and the Iranian reaction and the EU and American perceptions. The Taiwan issue and territorial dispute of the South China Sea and the problem of Kashmir between Pakistan and India are discussed. The regional radical terrorism networks under the Islamic guise are also examined.


2021 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-29
Author(s):  
Mariano Torcal ◽  
Toni Rodón

This article empirically revisits and tests the effect of individual distance from parties on the EU integration dimension and on the left–right dimension for vote choice in both national and European elections. This analysis is based on the unique European Election Study (EES) 2014 survey panel data from seven EU countries. Our findings show that in most countries the effect of individual distance on the EU integration dimension is positive and significant for both European and national elections. Yet the effect of this dimension is not uniform across all seven countries, revealing two scenarios: one in which it is only relevant for Eurosceptic voters and the other in which it is significant for voters of most parties in the system. The first is mainly related to the presence of a ‘hard’ Eurosceptic party in the party supply, but the second, which indicates a more advanced level of Europeanisation of party systems, is not explained by most current theoretical and empirical contributions. We conclude by proposing two additional explanations for this latter scenario in which the EU integration dimension is present for most voters in both type of elections, including those voting for the main parties. Our findings and further discussion have implications for the understanding of the Europeanisation of national politics and its relationship with vote choice.


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