Postcolonial Security

Author(s):  
Marco Wyss

In light of the discrepancy between Britain’s and France’s postcolonial security roles in Africa, which seemed already determined half a decade after independence, this book studies the making of the postcolonial security relationship during the transfer of power and the early years of independence (1958–1966). The focus is on West Africa and, more specifically, on Nigeria and Côte d’Ivoire. While it was in this subregion that the decolonization wave emerged and the Cold War made its debut in Africa, the newly independent states of Nigeria and Côte d’Ivoire rapidly evolved into key players in the postcolonial struggle for Africa. Based on research in fourteen archives in Africa, Europe, and the United States, the book comparatively investigates the establishment of formal defence relations, the disintegration of the Anglo-Nigerian ‘special relationship’ and Franco-Ivorian ‘neocolonial collusion’, the provision of British and French military assistance to their former colonies and the competition they faced from West Germany and Israel respectively, and the Anglo-American partnership in Nigeria and the Franco-American rivalry in Côte d’Ivoire. Through this investigation it becomes evident that, whereas Britain was rapidly and increasingly pushed out of and replaced in the Nigerian security sector by Western competitors, France succeeded in retaining its military foothold and pre-eminence in Côte d’Ivoire. Informed by postcolonial approaches, this book argues that while London’s Cold War blinkers and Paris’s neo-imperial agenda were part of the equation, the postcolonial security relationship was ultimately determined by the Nigerian and Ivorian elites, which in turn responded to their local and regional circumstances against the background of the Cold War in Africa.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel O. Chachu

Background: The quest for an appropriate monitoring and evaluation (M&E) design that delivers accountability, supports management and facilitates learning is one that many organisations grapple with. Over the years, experiences in project and/or programme development and delivery led the International Programme for the Elimination of Child Labour of the International Labour Organization (ILO-IPEC) to consolidate M&E efforts towards the development of a comprehensive monitoring and evaluation strategy.Objectives: The aim of this article is to present lessons from the design and implementation of a theory of change-driven comprehensive monitoring and evaluation strategy in a child labour project rolled out in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire. The 5-year project was implemented during 2011–2015 by ILO-IPEC with support from the United States Department of Labour (USDOL).Methods: This article critically analyses project documents (including evaluations) and captures the reflections and experiences of key project staff involved in the project.Results: Timeless lessons are distilled, along with key phases of the project cycle. Critical markers include the importance of stakeholders’ involvement in the design and development of a M&E strategy as a pre-requisite for buy-in and uptake. We find capacity building not just as a box to be ticked but an iterative process to improve knowledge, transfer skills and support learning. In addition to paying attention to technical elements, the soft issues of patience, flexibility and simplicity are discussed as invaluable ingredients for realising M&E goals.Conclusion: While not exhaustive, it is hoped that these lessons would contribute to a minimum set of guidelines for improving M&E practice within projects and programmes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Marco Wyss

After showcasing the discrepancy between Britain’s and France’s postcolonial security roles in Nigeria and Côte d’Ivoire, and Africa more generally, the introduction presents the major actors—Britain, France, Nigeria, and Côte d’Ivoire—their underlying motivations and positions, and how they were affected not only by global, but importantly also by local and regional circumstances. Therefore, and to set the scene for the comparative analysis of the making of the Anglo-Nigerian and Franco-Ivorian postcolonial security relationships, the introduction then provides an extensive discussion of Africa’s Cold War and African agency. Thereafter, it provides a discussion of sources and, finally, presents the architecture of the book.


Author(s):  
Tladi Dire

This chapter examines the intervention in Côte d’Ivoire by French and UN Forces following the disputed elections in Côte d’Ivoire. It begins by setting out the facts that led to the 2011 post-election violence and the sets out the facts surrounding the intervention by French and UN Forces. It then sets out the positions of the main protagonists (mainly France, ECOWAS, the United States and the UN Secretariat) and the positions of other member States of the United Nations (in particular Russia, Brazil and South Africa). The chapter then assesses the intervention, in particular by the French forces, against the content of the authorising resolution (UNSC Res 1975). It also assesses whether the responsibility to protect doctrine could provide authority for the intervention.


2022 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Clara Portela ◽  
Thijs Van Laer

Since the 1990s, sanctions senders like the European Union, the United States, and the United Nations have been imposing visa bans and asset freezes on individuals as a key element of their sanctions packages. Notwithstanding the growing centrality that individual sanctions have acquired in international sanctions practice, little is known about the impact of sanctions listings on designees. Some researchers have scrutinised targeting choices, while others have explored the effects of sanctions on designees. However, no study has yet examined the fit between targeting choices and impacts on designees. First, we interrogate the theory of targeted sanctions to identify the expectations that it generates. Second, we examine the effects on designees and contrast them with the targeting logic of the sender, in a bid to ascertain their fit. Our analysis of the cases of Côte d’Ivoire (2010–2011) and Zimbabwe (2002–2017) benefits from original interview material.


Author(s):  
John A. Doces ◽  
Amy Wolaver

AbstractWe examine the question of rationality, replicating two core experiments used to establish that people deviate from the rational actor model. Our analysis extends existing research to a developing country context. Based on our theoretical expectations, we test if respondents make decisions consistent with the rational actor framework. Experimental surveys were administered in Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana, two developing countries in West Africa, focusing on issues of risk aversion and framing. Findings indicate that respondents make decisions more consistent with the rational actor model than has been found in the developed world. Extending our analysis to test if the differences in responses are due to other demographic differences between the African samples and the United States, we replicated these experiments on a nationally representative analysis in the U.S., finding results primarily consistent with the seminal findings of irrationality. In the U.S. and Côte d’Ivoire, highly educated people make decisions that are less consistent with the rational model while low-income respondents make decisions more consistent with the rational model. The degree to which people are irrational thus is contextual, possibly western, and not nearly as universal as has been concluded.


2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Morris MacLean

While most American academics and policymakers are familiar with the problems facing the growing elderly population in the United States, many are surprised to learn of the troubles confronting the aged in Africa. In stark contrast to the mythic image of the tightly-knit extended family, where grandparents are lovingly cared for as a respected and integral part of the family unit, is the unforgiving reality of hunger, ill health, and loneliness that is the daily existence for many elderly Africans. It is critical that the problems of the aged in Africa and other parts of the developing world be examined, but we must recognize that these problems do not signify a simple convergence toward a common social ill across the globe. Rather, the nature of inter-generational solidarity varies, sometimes dramatically, over time and across contexts. This study employs a comparative analysis to reveal important differences in the nature of inter-generational solidarity over time between two similar sub-regions in neighboring Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire in West Africa, and asks what explains those differences.


Author(s):  
Essoh Essis

The military and political crisis in Cote d’Ivoire is an illustration of the assertion that resistance is a concept embodying a multitude of meanings. The Ivorian parties have framed their civil war as the result of a conflict between several meanings of resistance. The presidential party claims to lead a nationalist resistance against neocolonial forces associated with the French government, as well as a Christian resistance against Islamic terrorism. The armed rebellion and the traditional political opposition contend that their actions are justified by a duty of resistance against ethnic and religious sectarianism, as well as Mr. Gbagbo’s despotic and unprincipled style of government. This article provides a critical analysis of current international efforts to resolve the Ivorian conflict, and particularly of the roadmap to peace adopted at Linas- Marcoussis, France, and later endorsed by the United Nations and other international actors as the appropriate framework for a peaceful and durable solution to the crisis. By presenting a set of principles and operational measures for an alternative conflict resolution strategy this article is focused on the creation of sustainable democratic institutions and their legitimization through a truly democratic process for writing and adopting a new Ivorian constitution. Whether or not in a post-9/11 world, conflicts such as those in the Cote d’Ivoire continue to be ignominiously ignored and marginalized by the United States is yet to be seen, but what this article proves is a need to establish a viable solution of lasting-peace for the region.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 369-374
Author(s):  
A. Yao ◽  
A. Hué ◽  
J. Danho ◽  
P. Koffi-Dago ◽  
M. Sanogo ◽  
...  

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document