The Political Culture of a Poet

2020 ◽  
pp. 31-101
Author(s):  
Andrew Kahn
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Literary Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Language ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
Professional Involvement ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Revolution

It has been an article of faith in Mandelstam studies that he conceived an early antagonism for Soviet life and became an outcast. This chapter surveys the political language of journalism and poetry from 1918 until the collision with Stalin in 1934. Combining literary analysis, biography, and a forensic survey of his publishing record, it analyses his ideological positions. The profile of the writer in this revisionist account is of commitment to cultural revolution and professional involvement. In the late 1920s as the Proletarian movement and class warfare became entrenched, he sought to establish his credentials as a writer ‘made’ by the revolution, courting controversy at the end of New Economic Policy with views on state-sponsored translation as a tool of progress. His defence of expertise as the right means to enlighten cut across political trends, leading to a clash with fellow writers and Stalin.

‘A Party for Owners or a Party for Earners?’ How far did the British Conservative Party Really Change After 1945?

1987 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 49-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Ramsden
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
Characteristic Mode ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Electoral Defeat ◽  
Post War ◽  
Looking Back

THE period spent in opposition between 1945 and 1951 has generally been thought of as a key to the understanding of the activities of the post-war British Conservative Party. Autobiographies of the Party leaders of the time began to appear at the end of the Fifties, already looking back to a period in which the Conservatives had decisively changed their approach. So for example, Lord Woolton's Memoirs reviewed not only a term as Party Chairman which had been a highlight of his own crowded career, but also his sharing in a major act of transformation, a transformation that had led on to Conservative success since 1951: ‘the change was revolutionary’. Other key figures in the organisation reached similar conclusions as their own accounts appeared: David Maxwell-Fyfe argued that the new Party rules which he had drawn up had not only decisively widened the political base of British Conservatism, but that events since had confirmed the importance of the change. R. A. Butler's account of The Art of the Possible argued in 1971 that ‘the overwhelming electoral defeat of 1945 shook the Conservative Party out of its lethargy and impelled it to re-think its philosophy and re-form its ranks with a thoroughness unmatched for a century’. The effect was to bring both the policies of the Party and ‘their characteristic mode of expression’, as he puts it, ‘up to date’. As recently as 1978, Reginald Maudling—a key figure behind the scenes in 1945–51 as a speechwriter from Eden and Churchill and as the organising secretary of the committee which produced the Industrial Charter of 1947—reached much the same view: ‘We were at that time developing a new economic policy for the Conservative Party … It marked a substantially different approach for post-war Conservative philosophy.

The Involvement of Malagasy Women Parliamentarians for a State of Law allowing the Development of Women

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
RANDRINRIJAONA MAEVA
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Women's Development ◽  
Equal Part ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
The Right

The exclusion of women is at the heart of the modern political order, despite the gradual recognition of formal equality between men and women in the exercise of political rights. The evolution of the political culture has nevertheless allowed the gradual access of women to power. Yet in the case of Madagascar, gender consideration is not limited to the integration of women in power, but several challenges lie ahead for the country in terms of women's rights. Women parliamentarians through their roles can advocate for women's rights. But the question is how these women parliamentarians advocate for women’s development rights do?Women's development requires respect for their rights, and women parliamentarians, when designing and passing laws, have the opportunity to fight for women's rights, which generally boil down to the right to health, safety and work. The aim is therefore to highlight the capacity of women parliamentarians to establish a rule of law that allows women to develop. Women's participation in the proposals and discussions of laws can play an equal part in promoting women's rights and women's development.

The Political Function of Domestic Objects in the Fiction of Aleksandra Kollontai

Slavic Review ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgitta Ingemanson
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Short Stories ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
The Real ◽  
Political Function ◽  
The Status ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Status Of Women

During the winter of 1922-1923 when she was just beginning her diplomatic career, Bolshevik activist Aleksandra Kollontai wrote two novels and several short stories that were immediately published in Russia and subsequently combined into two volumes under the titles Liubov’ pchel trudovykh and Zhenshchina na perelome. They were dismissed as mere autobiographical romances, indulging in unhealthy introspection and dangerously divorced from the “real” demands of society. At a time when Soviet Russia was facing enormous challenges connected with the reconstruction after the civil war and with the partial return to a market economy under the New Economic Policy (NEP), Kollontai's focus on domestic relationships and the status of women seemed narrow and excessively private.

From Servant of the King to ‘Idol of the Nation’

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Swann
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
Louis Xiv ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
The Revolution

The absolute monarchy was a personal monarchy and during the reign of Louis XIV, the king established a tradition that the king should act as his ‘own first minister’, coordinating the work of his ministerial servants. In the course of the eighteenth century that tradition was undermined by a series of social, administrative, and cultural changes to such an extent that by the 1780s ministers were increasingly behaving as independent political figures, courting public opinion and claiming to act in the name of public welfare or even the nation. By examining these changes, this chapter argues that the political culture of the absolute monarchy was in constant transition and that the failure of Louis XVI, in particular, to manage its effects was one of the principal causes of his loss of authority in the period preceding the Revolution of 1789.

Philip Jaisohn, the Political Evangelist, 1896–98

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-113
Author(s):  
Young-Chan Choi
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Private Property ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Language ◽  
The West ◽  
Individual Property ◽  
Conceptual Aspect ◽  
Ideological Resources ◽  
The Right

Abstract The objective of this article is twofold: first to argue that Philip Jaisohn, upon his return from the United States to Korea in 1896, sought to subvert, if not overthrow, the monarchical government, and second, to argue that Jaisohn drew on specifically Christian intellectual and ideological resources to articulate his arguments. The rhetoric of loyalty, love, lawful resistance, private property, and slavery are, as such, in need of analysis through the Protestant conceptual prism. Previous studies analyzing modern political thought have focused on the nature of translation from the West; this study focuses on the conceptual aspect of the political language Jaisohn introduced in order to effect revolutionary changes in the popular vernacular. His goal was not just to present resistance against the incumbent governing authority as morally defensible, but to frame it in terms of the right of individual property. Finally the article suggests avenues through which religious thinking affected the reception and dissemination of Western political thought in Korea, and concludes by reflecting on the relevance of religious thought in the analysis of modern Korean political thought.

Crossing Borders to Rebirth the Nation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela González
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Feminist Consciousness ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter discusses how the life and work of Leonor Villegas de Magnón exemplify the transnational political roles some women as fronterizas played during the Mexican Revolution. Transborder activists saw in the revolution the opportunity to stretch the boundaries of nation and, for women, opportunities to expand traditional constructions of gender. Villegas de Magnón’s maternalism was part of feminist consciousness that informed some of the political practices within the transborder political culture. She promoted her bold ideas in ways her male associates, including the rebel Venustiano Carranza, may have found nonthreatening. She believed that both men and women, not just women, were responsible for improving conditions in society for everyone.

scholarly journals Re-imagining Petitioning in Spain (1808–1823)

2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 487-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego Palacios Cerezales
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Age Of Revolution ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
Public Issues ◽  
Historical Trajectory ◽  
The Right

This article examines collective petitioning in metropolitan Spain during the Age of Revolution, focusing on the practices and discourses that framed petitioning as a meaningful form of action. There was a deeply rooted tradition of petitioning in old regime Spain, which was part of the ordinary bureaucratic workings of the crown and also provided a legitimizing framework for rioting in specific contexts. The collective experimentation in popular participation after the 1808 Napoleonic invasion transformed petitioning. Petitioning was first reconceptualized in accordance with the emerging language of rights and popular sovereignty. Activists and commentators had some awareness of the use of public petitioning in Britain, and once the representative Cortes met in Cadiz in 1810, public petition drives on public issues became part of the political culture. At the same time, the need to legitimate unconventional forms of action in the context of a crisis in the state converted petitioning into an all-embracing right. The right to petition, not only encompassed signed protest texts but also legitimated the old tradition of petitioning by riot and further was used to justify provincial rebellions, juntas, and military pronunciamientos. In comparative terms, this article highlights the elasticity of the language of petitioning during the Age of Revolution and cautions against narrowly associating it with one particular form of collective action or historical trajectory.

The role of social communications in the modernization of the Russian village in the 1920s (based on the materials of the Bryansk, Smolensk, Gomel, Oryol and Kursk provinces)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 93-103
Author(s):  
Vadim Kulachkov ◽  
Irina Goncharova ◽  
German Chuvardin
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Rural Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
Technical Problems ◽  
Communication Models ◽  
Social Communications ◽  
The Village

The article examines the role of social communications in the modernization of the Russian village in the 1920s, which were used by the authorities to transform rural life and form “Pro-Soviet” attitudes in the village. On the basis of archived data, we analyze communication models and determine the political and social order in this area. It is proved that the achievement of optimal results was hindered by material, financial and technical problems of the period of the new economic policy.

Diplomatic Parrhesia and the Ethos of Trustworthiness in Hotman’s The Ambassador and Shakespeare’s Henry V

2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 609-631
Author(s):  
Nathalie Rivère de Carles
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Literary Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Henry V ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
Definition Of

Sir Henry Wotton’s definition of an ambassador as “an honest man sent to lie abroad for the good of his country” should be confronted with his later assessment that the ambassador “should alwayes, and upon all occasions speak the truth … ’twill also put [his] Adversaries (who will still hunt counter) to a loss in all their disquisitions, and undertakings.” Wotton’s contrasting views point to the early modern concern with true, bold, and plain speech, known as parrhesia, and its importance in diplomatic practice. Combining Quentin Skinner’s rhetorical approach to political language and Timothy Hampton’s literary analysis of diplomacy, this essay examines Shakespeare’s mirror of diplomatic speech featured in Henry V (ca. 1599) in light of Jean Hotman’s reflections on parrhesia in The Ambassador (1603). Analyzing theoretical and dramatic views of parrhesiastic speech in early modern diplomacy, the essay argues for diplomatic parrhesia as a matter of trustworthiness rather than sincerity. Shakespeare introduces a new perspective on the ambassador’s speech and its function and on the capacity of authorities to hear truthful speech, while reasserting the political necessity of good parrhesia.

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