The Codification of International Maritime Law

Author(s):  
Gabriela A. Frei

Chapter 4 explores the early efforts in codifying international maritime law. The 1860s saw successes in the adoption of the Lieber Code and the Geneva Convention, and it was hoped that states would adopt an international code of conduct in warfare. Yet, the Brussels Declaration of 1874 failed, and subsequently non-governmental organizations such as the Institut de droit international stepped up, advancing the codification of international maritime law. The chapter addresses the views of the supporters as well as those of the sceptics of codification and shows the importance of the Institut de droit international in this process. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the United States Naval War College drafted the first comprehensive Naval War Code, and the chapter presents the motivation of the drafters and examines the broader international debate.

1991 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-48
Author(s):  
David S. Wiley

Late in the 1980s, several major U.S. private foundations concluded that the concern for Africa in the country was weak. This weakness was reflected in the faint focus on U.S. foreign policy toward Africa in all three branches of government, in the halting voice for Africa or for U.S. interests there in the non-governmental organizations (think-tanks, religious organizations, lobbies), and in the small concern for U.S. policy or for affecting it in the African studies scholarly community. Indeed, the voice for Africa in the United States was neither strong nor effective.


2010 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miranda Schreurs

AbstractThis article examines the efforts of the Obama administration and many other actors-ranging from non-governmental organizations, municipalities, and state governments to some Congressional representatives-to put the United States back on track towards international climate leadership. Efforts to shift policy direction, however, still face many hurdles. Over the course of the better part of a decade or more, climate skeptics and policy change opponents were able to seed doubt about the urgency of the issue in the public’s mind, establish new organizations and strategies to fight against climate action, and institutionalize serious obstacles to meaningful policy change.


Author(s):  
Matthew K. Shannon

This chapter traces the ways in which the United States launched its most coordinated effort to promote Iranian development during the 1970s. The educational cooperation of the decade prioritized military training, particularly for members of the Imperial Iranian Navy; technical assistance, notably through the training of Iranian nuclear engineers; and cultural exchange programs that were administered by the U.S. and Iranian states as well as non-governmental organizations.


Afkaruna ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hasbi Aswar

The number of Muslims in the United States is increasing from year to year as a result of the increasing number of immigrants from Muslim countries who come to work and continue their education as well as the increasing number of Muslims. One of the problems faced by the Muslim community in America today is Islamophobia such as bad narratives, discrimination, and violence against Muslims and their property. This study will examine the role of the Muslim community in America in dealing with the phenomenon of Islamophobia by explaining its strategy through the concept of Non-Governmental Organizations. The data used in this study is literature collected online from websites of Islamic groups in the United States. The results of this study showed that Islamic groups have taken many ways to deal with Islamophobia in this country, namely through political and legal advocacy, media relations, education, and campaigns to garner support and introduce Islam in American society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1217-1248
Author(s):  
Andrew Preston

After 1945, and especially after 1989, the United States wielded overwhelming power on a previously unimaginable global dimension. The scale and reach of America’s unprecedented power transcends the normal confines of the nation-state. US officials, often in conjunction with private corporations and non-governmental organizations, manage a vast international network of political alliances, legal obligations, diplomatic treaties, economic relationships, and military commitments, all for the purpose of maintaining a world system established by presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman during the 1940s. It is this dominant position that has led observers to describe the United States in imperial terms. This view of the modern United States as an imperialist power is based on the theory that empire does not have to be based on the control of territory. In this sense, if the twentieth-century United States was an imperial power, it was an extra-territorial one. However, this theory of empire is not universally shared, and so this chapter also assesses the competing historiographical and theoretical claims as to whether the modern United States has been an empire; and, if it is, what kind. The most common type of imperialism associated with the modern United States is liberal empire.


Refuge ◽  
1991 ◽  
pp. 13-14
Author(s):  
Le Xuan Khoa ◽  
Burgess Carr ◽  
Dale De Haan ◽  
Ralston Deffenbaugh ◽  
Tom Clark ◽  
...  

A team of six representatives from non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the United States, Canada and Australia visited Vietnam from 14 to 21 May 1991, to assess the situation of people who have returned under the voluntary repatriation program established by the Comprehensive Plan of Action (CPA) for Indochinese refugees.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-95
Author(s):  
Priscilla Roberts

During the 1980s, an interlocking complex of U.S. non-governmental organizations (the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, the Council on Foreign Relations, the Asia Society, and the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations) gradually built up contacts with Chinese elites. By mid-decade, the National Committee and the Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs began a series of “U.S.-China Dialogues” in which influential figures from both sides met alternately in Beijing and the United States, supposedly informally, to discuss the state of Sino-American relations. Though the outcome of the protests at Tiananmen in June 1989 shocked them, American China-watchers consciously decided that contacts and efforts at communication and understanding must continue. At the Fourth U.S.-China Dialogue meeting in Beijing in early 1990, the American and Chinese participants assumed radically different positions, with the Chinese complaining bitterly about U.S. interference in China’s internal affairs. However, as the meeting ended, both sides agreed that, while there had been little agreement, such contacts and dialogues were valuable and must continue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Claire Altman ◽  
Sergio Chavez ◽  
Kendal Lowrey

Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) are frequently an immigrant’s primary contact for support and service provision following deportation. We used semi-structured interviews and survey data collected in 2016 from the directors of 15 migrant-serving ONG in Tijuana, Mexico, to study how these Organizations support deportees. Building on the interdisciplinary nonprofit literature, we apply theories related to public values to frame our analysis. Our results suggest that NGOs in Tijuana contribute to public value across six roles while supporting deportees. As a pilot project, this paper provides a foundation for future studies of NGOs and the dynamics of U.S.-Mexico border cities receiving deportees.


Author(s):  
Anker Deborah

This chapter analyses refugee protection in the North American region, which includes Canada, the United States, and Mexico. The dynamics of the region, in particular the hegemonic role of the US, have often led to restrictive policies, reflecting the US’s objective of keeping asylum seekers away from its borders. Such policies can be traced back to the US’s support of violent regimes in the Northern Triangle of Central America during the 1980s and 1990s. US foreign policy contributed to the conflict and instability that generated a significant portion of the very refugees that it has since sought to keep away. But the dynamics in the region are complex, with Canada and Mexico not always aligning their policies to US interests. This chapter discusses the various international and regional refugee and human rights regimes to which Canada, the US, and Mexico are parties, and outlines the origin and evolution of specific refugee policies and practices in each of these three States. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the role of legal advocates, activists, and non-governmental organizations in holding governments accountable and ensuring that international and constitutional refugee protections are realized.


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