Making of the New Constitution

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.S. Grewal
Keyword(s):  
Special Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
Final Decision ◽  
Official Language ◽  
Religious Minority ◽  
Constituent Assembly

Of special interest to the Sikhs in the making of a new constitution were political safeguards, the issues of language, and linguistic states. In 1947 it was decided to have proportionate reservations for minorities. However, the question of safeguards for the Sikhs was postponed. A sub-committee formed in February 1948 saw no reason to make an exception in their case. In May 1949, Sardar Patel reopened the question of reservations but decided to have no reservations for any religious minority. On the issue of the official language for India, the final decision was in favour of Hindi in Devnagri script. On the issue of linguistic states, the Constituent Assembly reluctantly formed a commission which recommended that there was no need of creating linguistic states. The Constitution adopted in 1950, thus, did not satisfy any of the political aspirations of the Sikhs as a community.

The pragmatics of absurdity

2019 ◽  
pp. 108-137
Author(s):  
O. I. Kiyanskaya ◽  
D. M. Feldman
Keyword(s):  
Political Context ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Socialist State ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Press

The analysis is focused on the pragmatics of V. Lenin’s articles ‘Party Organization and Party Literature’ [‘Partiynaya organizatsia i partiynaya literatura’] (1905) and ‘How to Ensure Success of the Constituent Assembly (on freedom of the press)’ [‘Kak obespechit uspekh Uchreditelnogo sobraniya (o svobode pechati)’] (1917). Foreign and Russian scholars alike considered the two works as components of the concept of Socialist state literature and journalism, conceived before the Soviet era. Based on examination of the political context, this work proves that Lenin was driven to write the articles by his fight for leadership in RSDRP. In 1905, Lenin obtained control over Novaya Zhizn, the newspaper under M. Gorky’s editorship, and insisted that opponents had to follow his censorship guidelines: the press had to become a propaganda tool rather than a source of income. Twelve years on, Lenin’s principles still reigned. 

II. The ‘Comité, De Marine’ Of The Constituent Assembly

1959 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-148
Author(s):  
N. Hampson
Keyword(s):  
Political Attitudes ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
French Society ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Naval History ◽  
Naval Policy ◽  
The Revolution

There is a sense in which all naval history is general history, since the structure and preoccupations of a State influence both the services which it demands of its fleets and the type of naval organization appropriate to their performance. This relationship is most obvious in periods of social and political revolution when the navy, like other institutions, finds itself out of harmony with the principles of the new order. Such a situation arose in France in 1789 when the Constituent Assembly set about the transformation of so many aspects of French society. The study of naval politics in the period 1789–91 consequently helps towards a fuller understanding of the Revolution as a whole. The changes introduced into the French navy form a not unimportant part of the general reconstruction of France while the debates on naval policy often throw a revealing light on the political attitudes of the protagonists.

Tripartism and Its Aftermath

2019 ◽  
pp. 302-342
Author(s):  
Isser Woloch
Keyword(s):  
Social Security ◽  
Educational Opportunity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Voter Approval ◽  
Postwar Recovery ◽  
Draft Constitution

This chapter argues that the restoration of democracy in France started in earnest only with the election in October 1945 of a Constituent Assembly. When voters rejected the Constituent Assembly's draft constitution in the requisite referendum, another six months elapsed before a second Constituent Assembly reached sufficient compromises to produce a new draft, which won voter approval by a thin margin. During the long provisional interval, the CNR Common Program helped undergird Charles de Gaulle's unity government and subsequent tripartite coalitions after the general abruptly exited the scene. However, until the fall of 1947, when a great strike wave brought the experiment to an explosive end, tripartism remained the political framework for France's postwar moment. Successive governments addressed the intractable challenges of postwar recovery while they sought to implement the “peaceful revolution” imagined by CNR in such matters as economic controls, social security, housing, and educational opportunity.

scholarly journals Social Movements and Institutions

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Maria Francisca Pinheiro Coelho
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Public Education ◽  
General Question ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Free Public Education ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

 Abstract This study approaches the relationship between social movements and institutions in Brazil concerning three different stages of the process of re-democratization: the political transition; the National Constituent Assembly; and the new Constitutional Order. The general question is: what is the interface, reciprocity or conflict, between social movements and institutions in this context of social change? The paper examines the different roles of social movements and institutions in each specific period: in the pre-democratization moment, the movement for direct elections for president, Diretas-Já, is analyzed; in the National Constituent Assembly, the movement in defense for free public education is examined;  in the new constitutional order, the pro-reform political movement is studied.  The work focuses on the scope of the studies on social movements and democracy.  It belongs to the field of the studies about the representativeness and legitimacy of the demands of social movements in the context of democracy and its challenges. Key words: social movement, institution, reciprocity, conflict, democracy. Social Movements and Institutions                               ResumenEl estudio aborda la relación entre los movimientos sociales e instituciones en Brasil en tres etapas diferentes del proceso de redemocratización en las últimas décadas: la transición política; la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente; y el nuevo orden constitucional. La pregunta general es: ¿cuál es la relación, la reciprocidad o el conflito, entre los movimientos sociales y las instituciones en este contexto de cambio social? El artículo examina los diferentes roles de los movimientos sociales e instituciones en cada período específico: en el momento de la transición política analiza el movimiento de las elecciones directas para presidente, las Diretas-Já; en la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente aborda el movimiento en defensa de la educación pública y gratuita; en el nuevo orden constitucional se estudia el movimiento pro-reforma política. El trabajo se centra en el ámbito de los estudios sobre los movimientos sociales y la democracia. Pertenece al campo de la investigación sobre la representatividad y la legitimidad de las demandas de los movimientos sociales en el contexto de la democracia y sus desafíos.Palabras clave: movimientos sociales, instituciones, reciprocidad, conflicto, democracia. Social Movements and Institutions                               ResumoO estudo aborda a relação entre movimentos sociais e instituições no Brasil em três diferentes fases do processo de democratização nas últimas décadas: a transição política; a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte; e a nova ordem Constitucional. A questão geral é a seguinte: qual a interface, reciprocidade ou conflito entre os movimentos sociais e instituições neste contexto de mudança social? O artigo examina os diferentes papéis dos movimentos sociais e instituições em cada período específico: no momento da transição política analisa o movimento de eleições diretas para presidente, o Diretas-Já; na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte aborda o movimento em defesa da educação pública e gratuita; na nova ordem constitucional focaliza o movimento pela reforma política. O trabalho centra-se no campo dos estudos sobre movimentos sociais e democracia. Pertence ao campo de pesquisa sobre a representatividade e legitimidade das demandas dos movimentos sociais no contexto da democracia e seus desafios.Palavras-chave: movimentos sociais, instituições, reciprocidade, conflito, democracia.

scholarly journals “I am a Soldier; I Have Never Meddled in Politics and Do Not Meddle Now”: General A. E. Evert and the February Revolution

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Sergey Sergushkin
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Examination ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
Western Front ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Military Control ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy

The article focuses on the role of A. E. Evert, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front, in the events of the February Revolution. Russia's top military leadership took a consolidated position on the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II from the throne, but the unity regarding the fate of the Empire's future was only an appearance. This is made clear through a detailed examination of the decisions made by Evert during the last crucial days for the Russian Empire and of his motives. The author pays particular attention to the period after the emperor’s abdication when, in the political vacuum, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front changed his line of conduct and proposed the bold project of transferring the country's real political power under military control. The methodological basis of this study is the principles of historicism, systematicity and scientific objectivity, while also using the comparative and historical-genetic methods.  Evert considered the constitutional monarchy with Mikhail Alexandrovich on the throne as a worthy alternative to the forceful suppression of the revolution in the rear, which cannot be said about his view on the Provisional Government and the prospect of elections to the Constituent Assembly during the war. In this regard, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front hoped, with the support of his colleagues, to impose his will on the rebellious capital. However, his project did not receive the necessary support, and his disloyalty to the Provisional Government led to his early resignation.

"Stability, in Whatever Guise"

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Gordon
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Status Of Women ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter examines the rhetoric of the March crisis as well as the ideals proferred and the programs espoused by both sides. In the wake of the March crisis, the Command Council of the Revolution (CCR) announced steps to end the period of transitional rule and facilitate the return of parliamentary life. It also proclaimed an end to all press censorship. The chapter first considers the debates over issues confronting the CCR, including the constituent assembly that would work on a new constitution, the idea of limiting the number of political parties in Egypt, and the political, economic, and social status of women. It also discusses the impact of the March crisis on the Democratic Movement for National Liberation (DMNL) and other communist movements, along with the notion that the liberal intelligentsia failed to support the revolution.

A Civil Servant’s Adieu

2019 ◽  
pp. 193-236
Author(s):  
Arvind Elangovan
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indian Constitution ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Postcolonial State ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
History Of ◽  
To Come

Contrary to Rau’s ideas, the framers of the Indian constitution, however, were deeply influenced by the political history that preceded the meeting of the Constituent Assembly. As a result, the framers privileged not only Fundamental Rights but also the postcolonial State and the latter’s right to intervene for the cause of social justice. Interestingly, the idea that mainly underscored this act of privileging was not so much to come together to create a state by submitting individual wills (as theorized by social contract theorists, for instance) but rather there was a deep mistrust between the different political interests that were at work in the Constituent Assembly. Thus, by the time of the drafting of the Indian constitution, political history played a dominant role, with norms giving way to a history of politics.

Nepal and Bhutan in 2013

Asian Survey ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 206-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pramod K. Kantha
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Constituent Assembly

The political stalemate prevailing in Nepal since the dissolution of the first Constituent Assembly (CA) in 2012 ended with the second CA polls in November. Bhutan’s second parliamentary elections in July and the opposition People’s Democratic Party’s victory over the outgoing Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (Bhutan Peace and Prosperity Party) were signs of consolidation of Bhutan’s nascent democracy.

Plutarch’s Lives

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paolo Desideri
Keyword(s):  
Special Interest ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Of Greece ◽  
Rule Out

This chapter discusses first the general cosmological principles which lie behind Plutarch’s historiographical work, such as can be recovered through significant passages of his Delphic Dialogues. Second, it investigates the reasons why Plutarch wrote biographies, and more specifically parallel biographies, instead of outright histories: in this way, Plutarch aimed to emphasize, on the one hand, the dominant role of individual personalities in the political world of his own time, and, on the other hand, the mutual and exclusive relevance of Greece and Rome in the history of human culture. Third, the chapter seeks to connect the rise-and-fall pattern, typical of biography, with the general rise-and-fall pattern which Plutarch recognizes both in the Greek and in the Roman civilizations; through that connection one can rule out the idea that Plutarch had any providential view of history. Finally, some reflections are offered on Nietzsche’s special interest in Plutarch’s biographies.

scholarly journals OPINION DYNAMICS AND DECISION OF VOTE IN BIPOLAR POLITICAL SYSTEMS

2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (09) ◽  
pp. 1473-1487 ◽  
Author(s):  
FILIPPO CARUSO ◽  
PAOLO CASTORINA
Keyword(s):  
Opinion Dynamics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Final Decision ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Individual Decision ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Personal Interests

A model of the opinion dynamics underlying the political decision is proposed. The analysis is restricted to a bipolar scheme with a possible third political area. The interaction among voters is local but the final decision strongly depends on global effects such as the rating of the governments. As in the realistic case, the individual decision making process is determined by the most relevant personal interests and problems. The phenomenological analysis of the national vote in Italy and Germany has been carried out and a prediction of the next Italian vote as a function of the government rating is presented.

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