Death and Burial in Iron Age Britain

Author(s):  
Dennis Harding

Archaeologists have long acknowledged the absence of a regular and recurrent burial rite in the British Iron Age, and have looked to rites such as cremation and scattering of remains to explain the minimal impact of funerary practices on the archaeological record. Pit-burials or the deposit of disarticulated bones in settlements have been dismissed as casual disposal or the remains of social outcasts. In Death and Burial in Iron Age Britain, Harding examines the deposition of human and animal remains from the period - from whole skeletons to disarticulated fragments - and challenges the assumption that there should have been any regular form of cemetery in prehistory, arguing that the dead were more commonly integrated into settlements of the living than segregated into dedicated cemeteries. Even where cemeteries are known, they may yet represent no more than a minority of the total population, so that other forms of disposal must still have been practised. A further example of this can be found in hillforts which, in addition to domestic and agricultural settlements, evidently played an important role in funerary ritual, as secure community centres where excarnation and display of the dead may have made them a potent symbol of identity. The volume evaluates the evidence for violent death, sacrifice, and cannibalism, as well as age and gender distinctions, and associations with animal burials, and reveals that 'formal' cemetery burial or cremation was for most regions a minority practice in Britain until the eve of the Roman conquest.

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clara Alfsdotter ◽  
Anna Kjellström

During excavations of the Iron Age ringfort of Sandby borg (ad 400–550), the remains of twenty-six unburied bodies were encountered inside and outside the buildings. The skeletons and the archaeological record indicate that after the individuals had died the ringfort was deserted. An osteological investigation and trauma analysis were conducted according to standard anthropological protocols. The osteological analysis identified only men, but individuals of all ages were represented. Eight individuals (31 per cent) showed evidence of perimortem trauma that was sharp, blunt, and penetrating, consistent with interpersonal violence. The location of the bodies and the trauma pattern appear to indicate a massacre rather than a battle. The ‘efficient trauma’ distribution (i.e. minimal but effective violence), the fact that the bodies were not manipulated, combined with the archaeological context, suggest that the perpetrators were numerous and that the assault was carried out effectively. The contemporary sociopolitical situation was seemingly turbulent and the suggested motive behind the massacre was to gain power and control.


Author(s):  
Dennis Harding

Archaeological investigation is sometimes likened to opening a window on to the past. The problem is that, except in cases of unexpected and sudden disaster, for example where a shipwreck has been preserved untouched or a town was engulfed by volcanic ash, the archaeologist never examines a site as it was in its living heyday, only as it was after it had been abandoned, leaving only what survives of what its occupants chose to leave behind. Burials likewise represent only what communities chose to deposit for whatever reason, modified by taphonomic factors that determine the state of surviving evidence. Other ephemeral forms of disposal, and any elaborate or protracted rituals that preceded the final act of deposition that did not involve substantive structures, will pass unremarked in the archaeological record. It has been suggested in Chapter 1 that human remains may have been buried either in a dedicated cemetery where the dead were segregated or confined, perhaps in the equivalent of consecrated ground, or integrated within the environs of settlements, whether as complete or near-complete bodies or as fragmented parts or individual bones. A third option, of course, and one which would certainly contribute to the difficulty of tracing a regular burial rite archaeologically, would be segregated burial on an individual basis rather than in a community group, however small or selective. The concept of a cemetery assumes a degree of social cohesion in Iron Age practice which may not have been universal. An obvious question must be why should there have been these alternatives, and what might have governed the decision as to which alternative should be adopted? Ethnographic analogies suggest that the spirits of the dead could have been regarded as malevolent, more especially during the interim phase between death and completion of decomposition. So it might make sense to consign the dead directly to a dedicated cemetery that was detached from the settlement, or to confine them initially within a secure location, such as a hillfort, for excarnation or interim burial, before final disposal.


1973 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 425-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. J. Balkwill

Within recent years, much attention has been focused on the earliest objects of harness which have long been noticed in the archaeological record. They are a matter of some importance in the perception of social structure from extant remains; Kossack (1954) presented strong arguments in favour of interpreting, in this manner, the early Hallstatt (Ha C) horse harness from Bavarian graves. Other major publications have since added to the picture of widespread, supposedly aristocratic adoption of harness and wagons in association with burial rite (northern and central Italy in the Early Iron Age, von Hase 1969; the Iberian peninsula in the same period, Schüle 1969; the Middle Danube to the Russian Steppes and to the Asian hinterland, Potratz 1966). Nor has the thesis of Gallus and Horvath (1939) been ignored, and the activities of ‘Thraco-Cimmerian’ cavalry still play a large part in the interpretation of west European horse harness. Already in 1954, however, Kossack observed the continuing elements of native, western Urnfield Europe in the entirely new combinations of grave-goods in Ha C and he indicated that the cheekpieces, while being modelled closely on the lines of preceding types found in the region of the Middle Danube, were, in fact, local variants chiefly concentrated in the graves of Bohemia and Bavaria. That western Europe had long had its own forms of cheekpiece was demonstrated by Thrane in 1963, yet the mouthpieces themselves have received no consolidated attention. This paper is an attempt to redress the balance, by gathering together the earliest metal bits in Europe west of Slovakia and Hungary, in order to see what light they throw on the problems of continuity and transition at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age.


2004 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 299-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miranda Aldhouse-Green

In most societies, the presentation of human hair makes statements about projections of self, belonging, and difference. Drawing upon analogies from living traditions where hair makes an important contribution to symbolic grammars of personhood, this paper seeks to explore the evidence for symbolism associated with head and body hair in later European prehistory. This evidence is wide ranging, and includes the (exceptional) survival of hair in the archaeological record, iconography, and the equipment used for the management of hair. Questions are raised as to the manner in which hair may have been employed in visual languages, not only those associated with self-identity, but also in the presentation of ‘others’, whether social outcasts, sacrificial victims, shamed prisoners or special people, such as priests, shamans, or heroes. Issues of relationships between hair and gender are addressed, particularly with reference to iconography. The final part of the paper is concerned with the socio-political connotations associated with personal grooming and, in particular, the significance of adopting new, Roman, ways of managing hair in late Iron Age Britain.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-79
Author(s):  
FlávioAlberto Oliva ◽  
Maria Lúcia Ribeiro ◽  
Marina Armelin Silva ◽  
Marjori Leiva Camparoto ◽  
Telma Reginato Martins

The goal of this study was to understand the gender and age profile of the users of ambulatory services at public hospital. Gender and age are fundamental elements for the construction of public policies at local and regional level. We performed a 3-year retrospective data collection, regarding age and gender of the population of the outpatient clinic of the public hospital between 2013 and 2015. It is a research with quantitative approach performed through three databases from january 2013 to December 2015 totaling 460.505 consultations. The database of the public hospital was adopted as the primary source, it was also consulted the database of the last two censuses of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) and the database of the Regional Health Division. The cross-checking of data, through Microsoft Excel and the Online Analytical Processing (OLAP) software, allowed the construction of a graph structured by gender and age according to the standards defined by IBGE on 2010, as well as the comparison between age and gender profile of the total population attended by public hospital and its consultations. The female audience represents 60.5% of the attendances, while the male population accounts for 39.5%. Only in the age groups between 0 and 14 and 85 to 89 years the male audience is larger. The difference in care is accentuated in the middle of the pyramid, in the ranges between 30 and 69 years, during which time women are responsible for 65.5% of the attendances against 34.5% of men. Such gender proportional differences are maintained on the total population, the only significant variation is on the age group from 80 and older where although there is a female majority of users, there is also a larger female majority on the population. Studies show that women make more references to health problems than men, as these represent, according to the male imagination, virility and strength, not representing vulnerability to the disease. Men do not recognize themselves as targets of health care and they are less likely to seek health services for cultural reasons, mainly, opening space for discussion about social inequalities in health between men and women.


Author(s):  
Dennis Harding

Most studies of Iron Age burial practices in Britain begin by recognizing that, with a few notable but limited exceptions, there is no recurrent and regular form of disposal of the dead for most of the first millennium BC. We have questioned whether this is a reasonable expectation, that there should be a regular funerary rite, or whether this is simply conditioned by contemporary religious or secular standards. More specifically, our expectation of a regular funerary rite involving the intact inhumation of the dead or the deposit or disposal of the cremated remains as an entity may not conform to regular Iron Age practice, in which it seems that fragmentation and dispersal may have been common. Is there any reason why a diversity of practices, more difficult to recognize archaeologically, should not have been deployed in prehistory, already perhaps long before the Iron Age when the absence of recurrent and regular cemeteries happens to register archaeologically as a conspicuous omission? The fact that in certain regions at certain times one particular mode of disposal predominates, or happens to leave conspicuous archaeological traces, may lead archaeologists to expect a measure of standardization of practice that does not represent the actual diversity of prevailing rites. The real issue, therefore, is not to explain the absence of a conspicuous or recurrent rite, but the basis of choice that made communities adopt various practices, burying some individuals or groups in graves or cemeteries, others in re-used grain storage pits, and disposing of the disarticulated remains of others in various locations around a settlement. A second question, however, is when did the disposal of the dead in Britain first take the form of cemeteries, the recurrent and regular form of which might encourage us to believe that the majority of the population was disposed of in this way? It would be easy to respond by saying that there are formal cemeteries in Neolithic long barrows and chambered tombs, but sacred landscapes like the Boyne valley in County Meath or the Kilmartin valley in Argyll suggest that these special tombs may have been for much more than disposal of the dead.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
María Emma Vallejo Solarte ◽  
Luz Marina Castro Castro ◽  
María Del Pilar Cerezo Corre

ResumenObjetivo: Establecer el estado nutricional de los niños de 0 a 5 años de la comunidad del Resguardo Yunguillo y de Red Unidos del municipio de Mocoa 2014 y su relación con los determinantes sociales. Materiales y métodos: Estudio descriptivo correlacional con muestreo probabilístico para la población de Red Unidos y población total de Yuguinllo. Se aplicaron a los padres, dos cuestionarios adaptados de la Encuesta Nacional de Salud y Nutrición Colombia - ENSIN 2010 y de la Encuesta Nacional de Demografía y Salud -ENDS 2010 y se diseñó un instrumento para el registro de las medidas antropométricas de los niños, su aplicación contó con el consentimiento informado. Resultados: Se evaluaron 117 niños de Yunguillo y 122 de Red Unidos; encontrando desnutrición aguda 1,7% y 1,6%, desnutrición global 23,1% y 14,5%, retraso en la talla 43,6% y 24,2% y obesidad 12,8% y 9,7%, respectivamente. Se encontró relación entre el indicador talla/edad y nivel educativo del padre y la pertenencia a programa de alimentación complementaria y el indicador peso/ edad y el sexo. El acceso a servicios públicos, condiciones habitacionales, de educación y ocupación en ambos grupos son deficientes. Conclusiones: Los niños de ambas comunidades presentan problemas de malnutrición reflejados en los porcentajes elevados de desnutrición crónica, sobrepeso y desnutrición global. Se observaron diferencias estadísticas en el indicador talla para la edad al comparar los niños del grupo de Yungillo y los de Red Unidos.AbstractObjective: To establish the nutritional status of children from 0 to 5 years old from the community of Yunguillo and from “Red Unidos” of the municipality of Mocoa 2014 and its relationship with social determinants. Materials and methods: A descriptive, correlational study with probabilistic sampling for the “Red Unidos” population and total population of Yuguinllo was made. Two questionnaires adapted from the National Survey of Health and Colombia Nutrition - NSHCN 2010 and the National Demographic and Health survey - NDHS 2010 were applied to the parents and an instrument for child anthropometric measures registration was designed. Its application included their informed consent. Results: 117 children of Yunguillo were evaluated as well as 122 from “Red Unidos”. It was found that there is 1.7% and 1.6% of acute malnutrition, 23.1% and 14.5% of global malnutrition, 43, 6% and 24.2% of delay in the size, and 12.8% and 9.7% of obesity respectively. Relationship between the indicator height/age and educational level of the father was found as well as the supplementary feeding programme membership and the indicator weight / age and gender. The access to public services, housing, education and occupation in both groups are poor. Conclusions: Children of both communities have malnutrition problems reflected in the high percentage of chronic malnutrition, overweight and general malnutrition. Statistical differences were observed in the indicator height-for-age when comparing children of the Yungillo group with those from “Red Unidos”.


2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chau Jo Vu ◽  
Lindsay Turner

It is assumed in tourism demand forecasting that the disaggregation of data is useful in terms of country of origin and also in terms of purpose of travel (Smith and Toms, 1967; Blackwell, 1970; Martin and Witt, 1989a). The primary disaggregation by country is useful for determining regional forecast flows and the disaggregation by purpose of visit has been considered potentially useful for increasing forecasting accuracy given the flows have different characteristics (Turner, Kulendran and Pergat, 1995; Morley and Sutikno, 1991). It is also possible to disaggregate on the basis of age and gender. It has been assumed (because no research has disaggregated by age and gender) in previous research that the gender and age composition of flows is a reflection of the total population and therefore exhibits the same time-series characteristics. This may not be the case, however. This study uses data for tourist arrivals into Korea to test the assumptions that further disaggregation of data on the basis of gender and age is not needed, and to further examine whether disaggregation by purpose of visit is worthwhile, when the purpose is to forecast total country arrivals. Quarterly data from 1994 to 2003 are used with the estimation period 1994–2001 and the post-estimation period 2002–2003. The conclusion from the study is that total arrivals forecasting is not more accurate when the data used is the sum of forecast disaggregated series, as opposed to direct forecasts of total arrivals.


2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erika Felix ◽  
Anjali T. Naik-Polan ◽  
Christine Sloss ◽  
Lashaunda Poindexter ◽  
Karen S. Budd

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