Interest Groups

Author(s):  
Anne Skorkjær Binderkrantz

Interest groups are key actors in the Danish political system. This chapter discusses the origin and development of the interest group system and the political role of groups. The focus is on interest groups both as membership-based associations and as political actors. The chapter discusses how the early mobilization of farmers, workers, and businesses interacted with emerging corporatist structures in shaping the contours of the interest group system. Later developments led to a shift towards more groups representing citizen interests rather than economic groups. The political role of groups traditionally centred on access to public decision-making through, for example, representation in boards and committees. Today, interest groups operate across multiple arenas, and Parliament and the news media have become central. New actors such as think tanks and public affairs agencies have gained importance, but traditional interest groups remain the most prominent policy advocates in Denmark.

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095950
Author(s):  
Jefferson Lyndon D Ragragio

Editorials are a political force used by news media to fulfil its watchdog function in fragile democracies like the Philippines. However, they also serve as a platform to invite a more positive reading of strongman administration. Against the backdrop of media populism, the article will problematize how the Fourth Estate articulates its political stance by examining the tensions and complexities in editorials. It will highlight the ways the media deals with subjects and stories surrounding Rodrigo Duterte. Through an analysis of editorials of four leading dominant news outlets (Bulletin, Inquirer, Rappler, and Star), three meta-thematic categories of media frames are uncovered. First, character degradation frames delineate how the media denounces the ties of Duterte with other political actors, particularly the Marcoses and China’s Xi. Second, pro-establishment frames echo the optimistic mantra of the government amid crisis. And third, non-editorial frames exhibit the failure of media to publish watchdog-inspired editorials. Each of these categories has underlying frames that are indicative of the democratic potential, or lack thereof, of news media.


2019 ◽  
pp. 201-218
Author(s):  
Rainer Eising

This chapter examines the role of interest groups in European Union (EU) politics. It also considers the way in which the EU institutions influence interest group structures and activities. The chapter begins with an overview of the relationship between the EU institutions and interest groups and examines the steps taken thus far to regulate that relationship. It then looks at the evolution and the structure of the interest group system, focusing in particular on two salient aspects: the difference between national and EU organizations; and the difference between specific and diffuse interests.


Author(s):  
Jørn Loftager

The tactical game of power positions rather than political substance is given priority in today’s news media to an extent that weakens the democratic role of democratic public reasoning. At the same time the need of such reasoning is critical as ever before. The article outlines a sociological interpretation of this dilemma. The basic argument is that an overall development of a society dominated by horizontal differentiations of function rather than hierarchic differentiations of class has generated new conditions for the exercise of political power. On the one hand, the possibility of direct political steering fades away. On the other hand: due to blurred political identities the logic of the political system forces political actors to make themselves visible in the eyes of the voters by showing power and determination. As a result there is a growth in symbolic politics, tactics and spin which challenge the democratic role and responsibility of journalism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 902-916
Author(s):  
Irina Deretic

In this paper I will discuss Aristotle?s controversial philosophical views on women. I will critically examine three main interpretations of his claim that women have deliberative faculty ?without authority?. According to the first line of interpretation, Aristotle has in mind that women?s incapacity of advice-giving and decision-making in public affairs are determined by conventions in the political context of his time. I will attempt to point out the disadvantages of this kind of interpretation. Furthermore, I will put forward the reasons why is implausible the more recent interpretation, given by Marguerite Deslauriers. According to her reading, the lack of authority of deliberative faculty in women means nothing else than the tasks over which women have authority are for the purpose of the tasks put forth by men. The prevailing interpretation among scholars is that, in Aristotle?s view, women are naturally inferior to men, due to the fact that they are all too frequently overruled by the irrational ?forces? of their nature. I will argue that this line of interpretation elucidates what Aristotle presumably has in mind, although it makes his account of women and their rationality, if not inconclusive, then indisputably problematic. In other words, I attempt to prove that, if the prevailing line of interpretation is correct, such view of women produces some philosophically ?insurmountable? problems for Aristotle. The aim of the last section of the paper is to point out how some of these problems could eventually be resolved.


1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-564
Author(s):  
Stephen L. Rozman

The following description and analysis of the role of the military in the Peruvian political system and its development from independence to the most recent military supplanting of a civilian government in 1968 should serve a twofold purpose: first, to provide information necessary to the understanding of Peruvian political development; and second, to manifest the claims and demands of a politically relevant (institutional) interest group and its manner of satisfying them. During the course of this article, it should become evident to the reader that it would be impossible to offer even the most general history of Peruvian political development without giving considerable attention to the role of both military personalities and the military as an institution.It is the author's contention that the evolution of the Peruvian military's political role may be divided into nine phases, each with significance for the country's political system.


Theoria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (165) ◽  
pp. 92-117
Author(s):  
Bronwyn Leebaw

What kinds of lessons can be learned from stories of those who resisted past abuses and injustices? How should such stories be recovered, and what do they have to teach us about present day struggles for justice and accountability? This paper investigates how Levi, Broz, and Arendt formulate the political role of storytelling as response to distinctive challenges associated with efforts to resist systematic forms of abuse and injustice. It focuses on how these thinkers reflected on such themes as witnesses, who were personally affected, to varying degrees, by atrocities under investigation. Despite their differences, these thinkers share a common concern with the way that organised atrocities are associated with systemic logics and grey zones that make people feel that it would be meaningless or futile to resist. To confront such challenges, Levi, Arendt and Broz all suggest, it is important to recover stories of resistance that are not usually heard or told in ways that defy the expectations of public audiences. Their distinctive storytelling strategies are not rooted in clashing theories of resistance, but rather reflect different perspectives on what is needed to make resistance meaningful in contexts where the failure of resistance is intolerable.


Author(s):  
Kevin Munger ◽  
Patrick J. Egan ◽  
Jonathan Nagler ◽  
Jonathan Ronen ◽  
Joshua Tucker

Abstract Does social media educate voters, or mislead them? This study measures changes in political knowledge among a panel of voters surveyed during the 2015 UK general election campaign while monitoring the political information to which they were exposed on the Twitter social media platform. The study's panel design permits identification of the effect of information exposure on changes in political knowledge. Twitter use led to higher levels of knowledge about politics and public affairs, as information from news media improved knowledge of politically relevant facts, and messages sent by political parties increased knowledge of party platforms. But in a troubling demonstration of campaigns' ability to manipulate knowledge, messages from the parties also shifted voters' assessments of the economy and immigration in directions favorable to the parties' platforms, leaving some voters with beliefs further from the truth at the end of the campaign than they were at its beginning.


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
J. H. Shennan

The most recent biographer of Montesquieu has written:…the similarity between the ideas of the former president a tnortier and those of the parlements is sometimes striking.…The king, they admit, is the legislator and the fount of justice. The parlements, however, are the repositories of his supreme juris-diction. To remove it from them is to offend the laws of the state and to overthrow the ancient legal structure of the kingdom.…This tradition of the parlements inspired and was inspired by the political doctrine of Montesquieu; and when the President writes of the monarchy of his own day…as being the best form of government that men have been able to imagine, it is monarchy supported by this tradition which he has in mind.


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