Coalition-Building and Political Fragmentation, 1924–1930

Author(s):  
Matthew Stibbe

This chapter examines the functioning and communication of arrangements for power-sharing between political parties in the middle years of the Weimar Republic. It looks at the formation of coalitions at Reich and state level; the role played both by the development of a specific parliamentary culture and by pressures stemming from symbolic and real conflicts beyond the control of the Reichstag and provisional legislatures; the place of the press and press policy; and the slide towards growing political fragmentation, especially after 1928. It also broadens the analysis of coalition-building to encompass the temporary and highly unstable alliances forged between rival forces at the time of direct elections. This includes both the two-round presidential election campaign of March–April 1925, and the two national referendums fought by popular demand during the Weimar period, one in June 1926 over the issue of confiscation of the property of former princely households, and the other in December 1929 over a right-wing proposal to reject the Young Plan.

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Vinen

ABSTRACTIt is normally assumed that antisemitism in post-war France needs to be understood primarily in the light of the German occupation of 1940–4. This article seeks to describe the relationship between political antisemitism and events after 1945. Special attention is given to the issue that obsessed a large part of the French right: the loss of Algeria. It is argued that between 1954 and 1962 right-wingers came to took on the Jewish population of Algeria, which was often fervently opposed to French withdrawal, with new favour. Furthermore, many right-wingers began to admire Israel, which seemed so successful in combating Arab nationalism and which was widely believed to have links with the Organisation de l' Arméte Secrète. Changes in attitudes to Israel and the Jews were linked with a wider change in the French right that had been going on since 1945: most of the right now focused their loyalties around ‘l' occident’ a block of nations led by America and including Israel rather than around the France that was so important to Gaullist thinking. Finally, an attempt is made to show how the French right's new attitude to the Jews influenced its reaction to the 1965 Presidential election campaign, de Gaulle's denunciation of Israel in 1967 and the student riots of 1968.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 1018-1027
Author(s):  
Dr. ELHAM Ghobain

In this paper, I attempt to present an example of following Hallidays grammatical system in analysing a text that can bear racial references. Doing so, the text analysis can be viewed from a critical discourse analysis perspective. The text chosen, titled Europe Must Close Its Borders or be Swamped by Third World, published in 2009, exhibits a typical example of the political rhetoric used by far-right political parties represented by one of its leaders in Britain, Nick Griffin. My assumption is that every word, every verb, and every phrase used is carefully chosen to convey the intended agendas of the party to its prospect voters in a clever way, which achieves its maximum effect with little or no apparent violation to the press guidelines. I also believe that such a stirring text, as far as the paper is concerned, would benefit from the use of various types of verbs and phrases that should suffice the requirement of the analysis. The paper may be of good use to students interested in studying this system of analysis as it deeply goes into the details of the used text.


1989 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Bill Winter

Once again, in the wake of the 1988 presidential election campaign, the American media are left with that most basic and troublesome of post-election questions: “Gee, I wonder why we didn't cover that one better?”


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 205316802199020
Author(s):  
Matthew L. Layton ◽  
Amy Erica Smith ◽  
Mason W. Moseley ◽  
Mollie J. Cohen

Does the recent electoral success of far-right populists represent a mere rejection of the political and economic status quo, or has it revealed deeper cultural divides? Historically, demographic cleavages have been poor predictors of vote choice and partisanship in Latin America. However, during Brazil’s 2018 presidential election campaign, right-wing candidate Jair Bolsonaro fomented conflict across lines of gender, race, and religion. We argue that his candidacy activated latent, previously unexploited grievances in the electorate. Using survey data from an original five-wave online panel conducted between July 2018 and January 2019, we examine the effect of demographic cleavages on presidential vote choice. In stark contrast to prior elections, we find clear evidence of demographic divides in 2018, partially mediated by issue positions. Bolsonaro’s campaign and subsequent election thus appear to have created new identity-based alignments in Brazil’s electorate. Our findings shed further light on the global resurgence of the far right, suggesting that far-right candidates can attract new bases of support through demographic polarization, exploiting differences in values and issue preferences by gender, race, ethnicity, and religion.


2019 ◽  
pp. 8-46
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

Russia’s hybrid war on the West started in 2007, but was only widely recognized in the West after President Putin’s return to the presidency of Russia in 2012, Russia’s invasion of Crimea in 2014, and its meddling in the US presidential election campaign in 2016. For five years, Western leaders failed to recognize or to believe that Russia was engaged in an all-out struggle to undermine Western institutions through funding extremist, anti-EU, and anti-NATO political parties, spreading disinformation and propaganda, hacking and releasing information, and using a wide variety of covert means to influence elections and undermine democratic governance. Since the very existence of this hybrid war has been questioned and politicized, this chapter lays out the basics and addresses the question of what led Russia to launch its hybrid war on the West.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
Sabina Magliocco

This essay introduces a special issue of Nova Religio on magic and politics in the United States in the aftermath of the 2016 presidential election. The articles in this issue address a gap in the literature examining intersections of religion, magic, and politics in contemporary North America. They approach political magic as an essentially religious phenomenon, in that it deals with the spirit world and attempts to motivate human behavior through the use of symbols. Covering a range of practices from the far right to the far left, the articles argue against prevailing scholarly treatments of the use of esoteric technologies as a predominantly right-wing phenomenon, showing how they have also been operationalized by the left in recent history. They showcase the creativity of magic as a form of human cultural expression, and demonstrate how magic coexists with rationality in contemporary western settings.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


Author(s):  
Tetiana Fedorchak

The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membership in NATO and the EU. Among the Czech politicians, who are close to radical views, analysts include the well-known for its anti-Islamic position of the Czech President M. Zeman and the leader of the movement ANO, billionaire A. Babich. Voters vote for them not because their economic or social programs are particularly attractive to the electorate, but because of dissatisfaction with the economic situation in the state. Almost all right populist parties oppose European integration, interpreting it as an anti-national project run by an elite distorted by a deficit of democracy and corruption. Keywords: Czech Republic, right-wing radical political parties, European integration, nationalism.


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