scholarly journals Police–Public Relations

Author(s):  
Anja Johansen

Over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the meaning of “public-oriented policing” has changed, with great variations between countries. This essay critically analyzes the dichotomy that has often been established between police–public relations in Anglo-American contexts as the model of public-oriented “democratic policing” and police–public relations in continental Europe. Using examples from Britain, the United States, France, and Germany, this essay argues that interpretations by historians and police scholars of the nature of police–public relations have been fundamentally influenced by the political regime they served, and that the positive appreciation among scholars for the principles behind the Anglo-American ideal of police–public relations has often been accepted uncritically. Examples from France and Germany open wider questions about the impact of democratization on police–public relations, the effects of locally organized police on even-handed and responsive policing, and the influence of militarized policing on violence in police–public relations.

2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-230
Author(s):  
Kim Eun Yi

This study examines how the use of different types of social media, such as Facebook and Twitter, affects public participation, drawing on the theory of motivation, which addresses the effect of internal and external political efficacy as well as the perceived political importance of social media. The study also investigates the interaction effect between social media use and perceived the political importance of social media on public participation. Employing a comparative perspective on an issue that has not been well studied, the study further seeks to discover potential variations in the impacts of different social media on public participation in the United States and Korea, both of which held presidential elections at the end of 2012. This study conducted hierarchical multiple regression analyses using data collected from college students in the United States and Korea. It shows the positive impact of social media use and its interaction effect with the perceived political importance of social media on the offline and online public participation of youth. The political motivational factor is found to be critical to driving public participation. This study also shows that the impact of Facebook use is more influential than Twitter use on public participation in the United States, whereas the opposite pattern is observed in Korea.


2022 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 358-389
Author(s):  
Anna Maria Mayda ◽  
Giovanni Peri ◽  
Walter Steingress

This paper studies the impact of immigration to the United States on the vote share for the Republican Party using county-level data from 1990 to 2016. Our main contribution is to show that an increase in high-skilled immigrants decreases the share of Republican votes, while an inflow of low-skilled immigrants increases it. These effects are mainly due to the indirect impact on existing citizens’ votes, and this is independent of the origin country and race of immigrants. We find that the political effect of immigration is heterogeneous across counties and depends on their skill level, public spending, and noneconomic characteristics. (JEL D72, J15, J24, J61, R23)


Author(s):  
Enrique Dussel Peters

The socioeconomic and political relationship between Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with China has become increasingly significant for both since the beginning of the 21st century. This article analyzes proposals by the United States and China in their bilateral relationship and the political effects of their increasing tensions on LAC. Consistent with the proposed framework of analysis of the socioeconomic LAC–China relationship—at least in terms of trade, financing, overseas foreign direct investments, and infrastructure projects—the article examines in detail these conditions, as well as providing an in-depth example of trade. The final part of the article discusses the important potential and challenges of China for LAC’s development and concludes that so far, and based on the in-depth analysis of the trade relationship, the LAC–China relation is closer to a core-periphery than to a South–South or win–win strategy. The document proposes to understand that the political economy within the United States, particularly of its private sector, have shifted substantially against China. In addition, the structure for analysis of the LAC-China relationship in the 21st century with a concrete structure of analysis in terns of trade, financing, Chinese overseas foreign direct investments (OFDI) and infrastructure projects. In light of current discussions, the analysis suggests for the inclusion of a group of new concepts –such as the “the new triangular relationships” and the “globalization process with Chinese characteristics” with a group of effects in LAC. The impact of the increasing China-United States tensions, from this perspective, generates massive challenges in LAC, independently of their diplomatic relationships to China.


Author(s):  
Mark A. Lause

This history of the Civil War considers the impact of nineteenth-century American secret societies on the path to as well as the course of the war. Beginning with the European secret societies that laid the groundwork for Freemasonry in the United States, the book analyzes how the Old World's traditions influenced various underground groups and movements in America, particularly George Lippard's Brotherhood of the Union, an American attempt to replicate the political secret societies that influenced the European Revolutions of 1848. The book traces the Brotherhood's various manifestations, including the Knights of the Golden Circle (out of which developed the Ku Klux Klan), and the Confederate secret groups through which John Wilkes Booth and others attempted to undermine the Union. It shows how, in the years leading up to the Civil War, these clandestine organizations exacerbated existing sectional tensions and may have played a part in key events such as John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry, Lincoln's election, and the Southern secession process of 1860–1861.


2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Rudman ◽  
Kevin Schoonover ◽  
Arthur Neron-Bancel ◽  
Israel Barriga

These four nations showcase the state of Islamism as a political force in the Middle East. Because of differing political circumstances in each state, the impact and viability of following Muslim law varies. In order to best explain why this is so, we will explore the political background of each nation, as well as discuss the current political climates of the countries in question. Finally, we will postulate as to what type of impact the ascension of an Islamic government will have on relations with the Western world, whether it be European nations, as is the case with Turkey, or the United States, as with Kuwait, Jordan and Egypt. The implications of this possibility are enormous; therefore, we feel that the importance of understanding the region cannot be overstated.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-112
Author(s):  
Jalə Musa qızı Hüseynova ◽  

This article discusses the political developments between the United States and China. It is based on the important political processes that took place between the two countries during the Obama administration in 2008-2016. At the same time, the impact of the meetings held by the leaders of both countries on relations was explained. In addition, the article discusses joint cooperation in solving global problems. Key words: diplomatic relations, USA, China, global challenges, confrontation


1985 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 528-539 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Welch ◽  
Donley T. Studlar

In contrast to the United States, where analyses of the political behaviour of blacks number in the hundreds, if not more, substantial studies of the political attitudes and behaviour of Britain's non-white minority are fairly scarce. As non-whites have become more visible in the political arena, however, attention by academics has increased. But as yet there have been few countrywide, empirical, and systematic investigations of the political behaviour and attitudes of this population. Our Note uses multivariate methods to investigate the extent of political participation of Britain's non-white minorities in the 1979 election. We focus on a wide variety of political activities and a few selected issue concerns. We attempt to place our findings in the context of some theories of ethnic politics that have developed to explain black political behaviour in Britain and in the United States.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 483-511 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin S. McAdams ◽  
Justin Earl Lance

AbstractIn the United States, Evangelical Protestants' political attitudes have been attributed to their conservative theological beliefs. As this religion's membership has increased around the world, other Evangelicals would logically be expected to demonstrate a similar conservatism in their political views. And yet, this anticipated result does not hold. In Brazil, for example, Evangelicals maintain moderate-to-liberal attitudes on several issues. To address this anomaly, this article relies on the Pew Forum's Multi-Country Religion Survey to examine the impact of religion on Evangelicals' ideology as well as attitudes on moral and economic issues in the United States and Brazil. While doctrinal orthodoxy predicts Evangelicals' moral conservatism, neither religious component examined significantly predicts Brazilian Evangelicals' ideology or economic attitudes. Significant differences in Brazilian and American attitudes on these dimensions in general suggest that the political environment plays a much larger role in whether — and how — religion influences these political attitudes.


2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (1 / 2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Roman ◽  
Edur Velasco Arregui

The corporate offensive was the main driving force in the neoliberal transformation of Mexico as it was in the United States and Canada. But in Mexico the corporate power bloc had to change the political order to achieve its hegemonic aspirations and desired policy changes. While the top bourgeoisie have been able to achieve more direct control of the state, they have not been able to establish a stable system of domination. The rise of bourgeois hegemony in Mexico is fragile. But the working class has not yet been able to find its voice and break free of the bonds of Mexico’s old state-linked unions or state system of labour repression in general. However, the on-going hardships imposed by neoliberalism, the fragile legitimacy of the new political regime, and the surviving popular traditions of revolutionary struggle point to a renewal of a class-based popular fight-back sooner rather than later. L’offensive du patronat a été la force prépondérante derrière la transformation néolibérale du Mexique, comme aux Etats-Unis et au Canada. Mais, au Mexique, le bloc du pouvoir patronal était obligé de transformer l’ordre politique afin de réaliser ses aspirations hégémoniques et la transformations politiques souhaitées. Alors que la haute bourgeoisie a réussi à renforcer son contrôle direct sur l’état, elle n’a pas réussi à établir un système stable de domination. L’ascendance de l’hégémonie bourgeoise au Mexique est fragile. Mais, la classe ouvrière n’a pas encore réussi à trouver sa voix et à briser les chaines des anciens syndicats liés à l’état mexicain ou le système étatique de répression du travail en général. Néanmoins, les difficultés de longue durée imposée par le néolibéralisme, la légitimité fragile du nouveau régime politique et les traditions populaires de lutte révolutionnaire qui persistent, suggère la renaissance d’une contre-attaque populaire basée sur les classes, plus tôt et non plus tard.


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