Contact-Induced Change

Author(s):  
Maaarten Kossman

This chapter provides an overview of the borrowing of inflection. It is organized around two axes. On the one hand, it tackles the main question the process that allows for inflections to be taken over into about another language. This focuses on the dichotomy between isolated transfer of inflections, and transfer of inflections concomitant with other borrowing, for example as a side-effect of lexical borrowing. The second axis concerns the effect of the inflectional borrowing on the language: do the transferred elements introduce new categories—an addition to the old system—or are they parallel to or a substitution of pre-existing morphology?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Mazzuca ◽  
Matteo Santarelli

The concept of gender has been the battleground of scientific and political speculations for a long time. On the one hand, some accounts contended that gender is a biological feature, while on the other hand some scholars maintained that gender is a socio-cultural construct (e.g., Butler, 1990; Risman, 2004). Some of the questions that animated the debate on gender over history are: how many genders are there? Is gender rooted in our biological asset? Are gender and sex the same thing? All of these questions entwine one more crucial, and often overlooked interrogative. How is it possible for a concept to be the purview of so many disagreements and conceptual redefinitions? The question that this paper addresses is therefore not which specific account of gender is preferable. Rather, the main question we will address is how and why is even possible to disagree on how gender should be considered. To provide partial answers to these questions, we suggest that gender/sex (van Anders, 2015; Fausto-Sterling, 2019) is an illustrative example of politicized concepts. We show that no concepts are political in themselves; instead, some concepts are subjected to a process involving a progressive detachment from their supposed concrete referent (i.e., abstractness), a tension to generalizability (i.e., abstraction), a partial indeterminacy (i.e., vagueness), and the possibility of being contested (i.e., contestability). All of these features differentially contribute to what we call the politicization of a concept. In short, we will claim that in order to politicize a concept, a possible strategy is to evidence its more abstract facets, without denying its more embodied and perceptual components (Borghi et al., 2019). So, we will first outline how gender has been treated in psychological and philosophical discussions, to evidence its essentially contestable character thereby showing how it became a politicized concept. Then we will review some of the most influential accounts of political concepts, arguing that currently they need to be integrated with more sophisticated distinctions (e.g., Koselleck, 2004). The notions gained from the analyses of some of the most important accounts of political concepts in social sciences and philosophy will allow us to implement a more dynamic approach to political concepts. Specifically, when translated into the cognitive science framework, these reflections will help us clarifying some crucial aspects of the nature of politicized concepts. Bridging together social and cognitive sciences, we will show how politicized concepts are abstract concepts, or better abstract conceptualizations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Eva Eckert ◽  
Oleksandra Kovalevska

In the European Union, the concern for sustainability has been legitimized by its politically and ecologically motivated discourse disseminated through recent policies of the European Commission and the local as well as international media. In the article, we question the very meaning of sustainability and examine the European Green Deal, the major political document issued by the EC in 2019. The main question pursued in the study is whether expectations verbalized in the Green Deal’s plans, programs, strategies, and developments hold up to the scrutiny of critical discourse analysis. We compare the Green Deal’s treatment of sustainability to how sustainability is presented in environmental and social science scholarship and point out that research, on the one hand, and the politically motivated discourse, on the other, do not correlate and often actually contradict each other. We conclude that sustainability discourse and its keywords, lexicon, and phraseology have become a channel through which political institutions in the EU such as the European Commission sideline crucial environmental issues and endorse their own presence. The Green Deal discourse shapes political and institutional power of the Commission and the EU.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 650-672
Author(s):  
Josef Weinzierl

AbstractQuite a few recent ECJ judgments touch on various elements of territorial rule. Thereby, they raise the profile of the main question this Article asks: Which territorial claims does the EU make? To provide an answer, the present Article discusses and categorizes the individual elements of territoriality in the EU’s architecture. The influence of EU law on national territorial rule on the one hand and the emergence of territorial governance elements at the European level on the other provide the main pillars of the inquiry. Once combined, these features not only help to improve our understanding of the EU’s distinctly supranational conception of territoriality. What is more, the discussion raises several important legitimacy questions. As a consequence, the Article calls for the development of a theoretical model to evaluate and justify territoriality in a political community beyond the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-51
Author(s):  
Fariz Alnizar ◽  
Achmad Munjid

Some Islamic movements in Indonesia make the fatwas issued by the MUI as a reference for their actions. They recently found their momentum after the defence movements called 411 and 212. The proponents of the movements called themselves as Gerakan Nasional Pengawal Fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia (GNPF-MUI/The National Movement of Guardian of Fatwa of the Indonesian Ulema Council). Employing a qualitative approach coupled with historical-causal paradigm this article examines the main question: Do the proponents of these movements substantially understand the fatwas they defend? The results of the research show that the fatwas have a dilemmatic position. On the one hand, there have been movements which insist on making the fatwas as “sacred opinion” that must be protected and guarded. On the other hand, people do not substantially comprehend the fatwas they defend. This problem has been caused, among others, by the cultural basis of the Indonesian society which put more preference on orality than literality or, explicitly, written tradition.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jose Baeza Noci

INTRODUCTION: The use of ozone, intra or periarticular, for knee and hip joint osteoarthritis (KO / HO) is clearly justified by its anti-inflammatory and antioxidants properties, that should diminish the arthritic episodes of this disease [1]. Several papers have proved the safety and efficacy of this treatment for KO [2-12], comparable to other classical treatments (steroids or hyaluronic acid (HA)) [13-14]. However, there is no paper about HO yet. STUDY DESIGN: This work is based on two open prospective studies started in February 2002 and stopped in February 2010, one group for each joint. Recruitment criteria for both groups were: - Kellgren& Lawrence KO classification: any - One/bilateral - No previous joint trauma - No rheumatic disorder - No previous surgery (but arthroscopic meniscectomy) - NSAIDs for at least two months - Promise to abandon any anti-inflammatory drugs during ozone treatment - Informed consent Clinical evaluation for KO was done using WOMAC questionnaire, pre-treatment and 1, 3, 6, 12 months after treatment. In case of HO, we used VAS for evaluation instead. CLINICAL DATA: All patients have, at least, 12 months follow-up. For KO, we have complied 199 patients (225 knees). There are two missing cases, not compiled, due to death at the 1 year revision. Age of sample ranged from 51 to 89 during the treatment. WOMAC pre-treatment was: -Pain 13.3 -Stiffness 5.6 -Function 46.2 Other data compiled, were: age, gender, BMI, Kellgren & Lawrence radiological scale (I to IV) and relapses (time free of symptoms). For HO, we have compiled 126 patients (133 hips). There are no missing cases at one year follow-up. Age ranged from 49 to 83. EVA pre-treatment was 7,33. Other data compiled, were: age, gender, BMI, use of imaging, Kellgren & Lawrence radiological scale (I to IV) and relapses (time free of symptoms). OZONE TECHNIQUE: All patients got one intarticular injection of ozone, once a week; in case of associated tendinitis or bursitis, a second or third injection was done together the intrarticular one. Injections were performed under strict asepsy. For the knee, we used a 27G x 30 mm needle with a syliconized syringe and a supero-lateral approach and. Ozone dose for intraticular injection was 15 mL at 20 mcg/mL.[15-16] Paratendon injection was performed with 5 mL at 20 mcg/mL. We always did a minimun of three intrarticular injections. Patients that did not improve were classified as failure. For the rest of the patients, the average number of injections was 4,8 (range 3 to 7). For the hip, we used a 25G x 90 mm needle with a syliconized syringe and a lateral approach. Ozone dose for intraticular injection was 5-10 mL at 20 mcg/mL.[15-16] Paratendon injection was performed with 5 mL at 20 mcg/mL. 45 patients were injected with imaging guide due to severe obesity. In these patients we used a 22G x 205 mm needle. We always did a minimun of three intrarticular injections. Patients that did not improve were classified as failure. For the rest of the patients, the average number of injections was 5 (range 3 to 10). RESULTS: From 225 knees, 44 (19.5% - the “bad result” group) did almost not improve at all; other rescue treatments were offered. The rest (80.5%) achieved a significant improvement, increasing WOMAC index over 25% of their basal level. The clinical improvement was obtained during the treatment or the first three months after treatment. WOMAC global improvement was 48%, including both groups. Relapses over the “good result” group have been of 8% at 1 year revision, and are statistically related just with Kellgren & Lawrence classification. We registered no side effect that needed further treatment. From 133 hips, 80% improved at least 2 points in VAS and 73% improved at least 3 points. The one month follow-up VAS score was 3,3 (improvement of 55%). From the patients that improved, 25% had a relapse at 1 year visit, and are statistically related just with Kellgren & Lawrence classification. The use of imaging support did not improved the results. We registered no side effect that needed further treatment. DISCUSSION: Results for KO are similar to Moretti's paper [12] and similar to the ones published for HA papers [15]. These last papers are almost always referred to 6 month follow-up. Comparing our results with HA papers at one year follow-up, they are clearly better. Longer term results for HA are even worse. This study has flaws due to its design, but similar design has been used for reporting results about drugs, HA or surgery, so comparison can be done. For HO, the results are even better that the one published for steroids or HA injections [17-18]. We agree with the publication about the use of imaging [19]. CONCLUSION: Ozone treatment in KO improves clinical outcomes over 25% of its base level in more than 80% of the patients. Relapse rate is 8% and is related with advanced osteoarthritis (Kellgren & LAwrence grades III-IV); minimal time free of symptoms is almost one year. The similarity with Moretti's results in a double blind clinical trial strength the indication for ozone in patients with KO. No paper has been published yet about HA, but comparing the results with steroids or HA injections, this treatment option is promising.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Samuele Tonello

<p>This thesis in divided in two main parts. First, I develop the claim that current democracies are unable to properly defend what I deem the pivotal feature to evaluate the quality of a political system - namely the people’s liberty - due to what I call a twofold democratic dilemma. On the one hand, common citizens are affected by biases that compromise their ability to successfully maintain forms of self-government. On the other hand, even representative forms of democracy that limit to a certain degree the people’s power are threatened by an oligarchic power. That is, oligarchs are using their wealth power to sway governments towards pursuing oligarchic interests rather than common ones, thus hindering the people’s liberty. For this reason, I argue that we ought to rely on Pettit’s view of liberty as non-domination to resolve the democratic dilemma. The thesis conceives these two threats as two forms of domination that must be avoided and focuses on adding a supplementary editorial and contestatory dimension of democracy to the classical participatory one. Republicanism could offer a solution to both sides of the dilemma. On the one hand, citizens’ political task would be more compatible with the people’s biases, since citizens would limit their participation to control that government’s policies do not entail oligarchic domination. On the other hand, framing liberty as a battle between dominating masters and dominated slaves, republicanism could offer the many the institutional means to counteract elites’ political domination. In this way, I conclude the first part of the thesis, but this opens the gates to the main question of the thesis, namely to how we should structure this contestatory democracy. The problem is that whereas republican scholars agree on the importance of setting freedom as non-domination at the basis of our political systems, there is no such agreement on the best way to institutionally enhance the republican ideal. I analyse this debate, maintaining that while Pettitt’s ideal is the view to pursue, we should reject his editorial solution because small committees of experts are likely to increase oligarchic domination rather than to protect the people’s liberty. Rejecting Pettit’s model does not yet imply refusing any editorial model, since I argue that critical scholars mistakenly identify the editorial component of democracy with Pettit’s answer only. In this way, they neglect alternative solutions to Pettit’s, such as Bellamy’s and McCormick’s. Having explained that Bellamy’s solution does not resolve the democratic dilemma, since this scholar rejects editorial bodies, I argue that McCormick’s “Machiavellian Democracy” framed on a divided conception of the populace offers instead the solution I am looking for. Institutionally recognizing the social differences among the populace, we could create modern bodies similar to the Roman “Tribune of the Plebs” to offer the weaker part of the population a class-specific institution to use as defence from oligarchic domination. The problem is how to implement a modern “Tribune of the plebs” making sure that these bodies are effective but popular in character at the same time. I thus explain how modern editorial tribunates could work in practice, drawing from McCormick’s “thought experiment”. I agree with most of McCormick’s ideas – lottery selection, wealth threshold exclusion, large size tribunates, etc. - but I suggest that we must review some of his suggestions with features more concerned with improving the people’s knowledge – specialization, education selection, etc. Hence, I conclude the thesis describing my thought experiment of a system of Specialized Ministerial Tribunates. In this way, I argue that we could better resolve the democratic dilemma. On the one hand, tribunates’ editorship would be more specific and would not require members of the tribunate to analyse the operation of governments on a too broad spectrum, thus reducing the problems of the people’s biases. On the other hand, tribunates’ operation could be primarily connected to detecting oligarchic features in the policies enacted by single ministries, thus challenging more precisely any oligarchic influence over governments. In sum, I argue that an editorial dimension could produce significant improvements to the people’s liberty. Thanks to a modern “Tribune of the plebs”, citizens could participate more meaningfully in politics, while taming more efficiently the influence oligarchs have on how modern societies are politically directed.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Samuele Tonello

<p>This thesis in divided in two main parts. First, I develop the claim that current democracies are unable to properly defend what I deem the pivotal feature to evaluate the quality of a political system - namely the people’s liberty - due to what I call a twofold democratic dilemma. On the one hand, common citizens are affected by biases that compromise their ability to successfully maintain forms of self-government. On the other hand, even representative forms of democracy that limit to a certain degree the people’s power are threatened by an oligarchic power. That is, oligarchs are using their wealth power to sway governments towards pursuing oligarchic interests rather than common ones, thus hindering the people’s liberty. For this reason, I argue that we ought to rely on Pettit’s view of liberty as non-domination to resolve the democratic dilemma. The thesis conceives these two threats as two forms of domination that must be avoided and focuses on adding a supplementary editorial and contestatory dimension of democracy to the classical participatory one. Republicanism could offer a solution to both sides of the dilemma. On the one hand, citizens’ political task would be more compatible with the people’s biases, since citizens would limit their participation to control that government’s policies do not entail oligarchic domination. On the other hand, framing liberty as a battle between dominating masters and dominated slaves, republicanism could offer the many the institutional means to counteract elites’ political domination. In this way, I conclude the first part of the thesis, but this opens the gates to the main question of the thesis, namely to how we should structure this contestatory democracy. The problem is that whereas republican scholars agree on the importance of setting freedom as non-domination at the basis of our political systems, there is no such agreement on the best way to institutionally enhance the republican ideal. I analyse this debate, maintaining that while Pettitt’s ideal is the view to pursue, we should reject his editorial solution because small committees of experts are likely to increase oligarchic domination rather than to protect the people’s liberty. Rejecting Pettit’s model does not yet imply refusing any editorial model, since I argue that critical scholars mistakenly identify the editorial component of democracy with Pettit’s answer only. In this way, they neglect alternative solutions to Pettit’s, such as Bellamy’s and McCormick’s. Having explained that Bellamy’s solution does not resolve the democratic dilemma, since this scholar rejects editorial bodies, I argue that McCormick’s “Machiavellian Democracy” framed on a divided conception of the populace offers instead the solution I am looking for. Institutionally recognizing the social differences among the populace, we could create modern bodies similar to the Roman “Tribune of the Plebs” to offer the weaker part of the population a class-specific institution to use as defence from oligarchic domination. The problem is how to implement a modern “Tribune of the plebs” making sure that these bodies are effective but popular in character at the same time. I thus explain how modern editorial tribunates could work in practice, drawing from McCormick’s “thought experiment”. I agree with most of McCormick’s ideas – lottery selection, wealth threshold exclusion, large size tribunates, etc. - but I suggest that we must review some of his suggestions with features more concerned with improving the people’s knowledge – specialization, education selection, etc. Hence, I conclude the thesis describing my thought experiment of a system of Specialized Ministerial Tribunates. In this way, I argue that we could better resolve the democratic dilemma. On the one hand, tribunates’ editorship would be more specific and would not require members of the tribunate to analyse the operation of governments on a too broad spectrum, thus reducing the problems of the people’s biases. On the other hand, tribunates’ operation could be primarily connected to detecting oligarchic features in the policies enacted by single ministries, thus challenging more precisely any oligarchic influence over governments. In sum, I argue that an editorial dimension could produce significant improvements to the people’s liberty. Thanks to a modern “Tribune of the plebs”, citizens could participate more meaningfully in politics, while taming more efficiently the influence oligarchs have on how modern societies are politically directed.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-352
Author(s):  
Pier Marco Bertinetto

AbstractNordlinger & Sadler’s (2004. Nominal tense in crosslinguistic perspective. Language 80. 776–806) seminal work fostered an intense debate on the semantics of nominal tense systems, with the side effect of widening the typological coverage of this grammatical feature. This paper aims at contributing to the ongoing debate. In contrast with work by Tonhauser, who excluded ‘tense’ as a semantic component of the Paraguayan Guaraní nominal tense system, the paper claims that all TAM dimensions are involved – temporality, aspect, modality – with different proportions in the individual markers. Most importantly, it claims that nominal tense does not presuppose a semantics of its own, other than the one needed for verbal tenses. Moreover, the paper presents evidence that the semantic component of aspect, besides being necessarily activated in any nominal tense marker, is also directly conveyed by some of them, which can legitimately be called ‘nominal aspect’ markers. This integrates Nordlinger & Sadler’s (2004) survey, in which aspect was notably absent. In addition, the paper points out possible cases of nominal actionality (a.k.a. Aktionsart). Finally, the paper suggests that the pervasive presence of aspect (and also, but rarely, actionality) among nominal tense markers finds interesting parallels in some types of deverbal nominalizations, although these belong in another grammatical drawer.


1983 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl-Heinz Schmidt

The structural changes of the labor market in the industrialized economies have become an important topic of labor market research and practical labor market policy. Yet, little progress has been realized hitherto concerning the market position of different qualities of labor occupied in small business enterprises. Referring to West-European countries, and especially to West Germany, the following article gives some insight into the functioning of the tripartite labor market and its consequences for the employment fluctuations in very small enterprises on the one hand and in big firms on the other. The main question is whether small business is marked by labor market segmentation in the same way as it has been stated for big firms by the recent development of labor market theory.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (15_suppl) ◽  
pp. e12075-e12075
Author(s):  
Nour Haidar ◽  
Lewis Nasr ◽  
Fadi Nasr

e12075 Background: Hair loss (alopecia) is recognized as one of the most common and distressing side effects of chemotherapy. The scalp cooler first used in 1970s against the Chemotherapy CIA (chemotherapy induced alopecia). This study aimed at assessing the effectiveness of scalp cooling (PAXMAN Cooler ORBIS II SCALP COOLER) in reducing chemotherapy-induced alopecia. Methods: This prospective study was conducted at the Mount-Lebanon Hospital in the one day chemotherapy between 01 January 2017 and 31 December 2018. 109 women diagnosed with breast cancer with stage I or II undergoing neoadjuvant, and adjuvant chemotherapy were enrolled. Patients with scalp cooling 54.1% (n=59), control 45.9 % (n=50). Scalp cooling done by using the scalp cooling device. The primary end point was to assess the hair loss using the dean’s scale after multiple cycles of chemotherapy. The clinical assessment and alopecia evaluation were done after each chemotherapy cycle. The secondary endpoint was the side effect of the scalp cooler such as headache. Results: The Mean age was 55.73 ± 11.9 years. 82.56 %received Anthracycline-based chemotherapy regimen with Docetaxel, and 14.69 % Anthracycline-based chemotherapy regimen with Paclitaxel and 2.75 % took only anthracycline with cyclophosphamide. The effectiveness of hair preservation was successfully reported as 62.7% grade 0, 22.01 % grade 1 and 15.29% grade 2. There were highly significant differences between patients underwent scalp cooling and patients without scalp cooling with different regimens of chemotherapy (P value <0.0001). The major side effect, the headache where was reported in 25.7% from the total (P value <0.0001). Conclusions: Hair preservation in stage I , II breast cancer undergoing multiple regimens of chemotherapy was significantly more effective in the scalp cooling group.


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