Muslim Americans and the Political System

Author(s):  
Abdulkader H. Sinno

The author surveys the politics of Muslim Americans—as instruments of political manipulation, as targets, and as agents—and the latest methodological innovations in researching them. The politics of targeting Muslims or instrumentalizing them include the use of electoral strategies that leverage negative public attitudes toward this religious minority, its political empowerment, and its civil rights. Muslim American participation in the American political arena has increased dramatically since 9/11. The author addresses the ways Muslims opt, or are able, to be active in American politics, their voting practices, how they fare when they run for office, and how they use local, state, and national governments to advance their causes. The research methods that are particularly useful to push the state of knowledge on the topic include qualitative field work, media content analysis, surveys, and experiments.

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 629-677 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karam Dana ◽  
Nazita Lajevardi ◽  
Kassra A.R. Oskooii ◽  
Hannah L. Walker

AbstractAnecdotal evidence suggests that Muslim American women who wear the hijab may be particularly vulnerable to the experiences of stigmatization because the hijab represents one of the most obvious and dominant markers of “otherness.” Yet, extant research has surprisingly neglected to systematically examine how such external markers of difference can increase perceptions of discrimination. Drawing from two nationally representative datasets, we examine perceived discrimination among Muslim Americans, and find that veiled women report experiencing both societal and institutional discrimination at much higher rates than their counterparts. In fact, our findings show that the hijab is one of the most important predictors of self-reported discrimination amongallMuslim Americans. Interestingly, however, we also find that men are more likely than women to perceive discrimination once we account for the role of the hijab. Our analysis makes an important contribution to existing research by highlighting the unique experiences of a religious minority group and identifies one important and previously underexplored mechanism by which individuals may be targeted for discrimination—the hijab.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt A. Barreto ◽  
Dino N. Bozonelos

AbstractThe role of religiosity as an important predictor of partisan identification has been well researched over the years, with most of our understanding of religion focused on Christianity. However, it is not clear that religiosity operates equally for the partisan identification of non-Christian religious groups. One of the most discussed religious minority groups in the United States today is Muslim-Americans. Numbering between 2.3 million and 7 million, Muslim-Americans have been the focus of considerable debate regarding religion and American political inclusion. We argue that religiosity does influence Muslim-American party identification, however not in the same manner as with other groups. While the two major political parties encourage religiosity among Protestants, Jews, and Catholics, they are either silent or opposed to religiosity among Muslims within their parties. Thus, religiosity among Muslim-Americans may not necessarily lead to partisan identification with either Republicans or Democrats. Rather, high levels of religiosity, coupled with perceptions of discrimination against Muslims, may lead many to oppose both major political parties and instead identify with “none of the above.” This is not to say that Muslim-Americans reject civic engagement or political participation in the United States, but rather the two political parties have not carved out a space to welcome Islam, as they have for Christianity and Judaism. We examine new data from the 2007 Muslim-American Public Opinion Survey to assess the predictors of partisan identification among Muslims in the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-274
Author(s):  
Sadie S. Amini ◽  
Angela-MinhTu D. Nguyen

Religious-minority immigrants must negotiate both their religious and host cultural (e.g., American) identities; however, the duality of these identities is rarely examined in relation to adjustment. In this study, we tested whether a religious-American identity centrality could predict better adjustment over and above religious identity centrality and American identity centrality. Moreover, based on the Integrative Psychological Model of Biculturalism, we investigated whether the harmony perceived between one’s religious and American identities could mediate the relationship between religious-American identity centrality and adjustment, and between perceived discrimination and adjustment. With data from 130 first-generation Muslim American and Jewish American participants, we found support for most hypotheses. Although a more central religious-American identity predicted better adjustment, it did not predict better adjustment over and above religious identity centrality and American identity centrality. More importantly, religious-American harmony mediated the positive association between religious-American identity centrality and adjustment, and the negative association between perceived discrimination and adjustment. Implications of our findings for research on dual identities are discussed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aubrey Westfall ◽  
Özge Çelik Russell ◽  
Bozena Welborne ◽  
Sarah Tobin

AbstractThis article explores the relationship between headcovering and women's political participation through an original online survey of 1,917 Muslim-American women. As a visible marker of religious group identity, wearing the headscarf can orient the integration of Muslim women into the American political system via its impact on the openness of their associational life. Our survey respondents who cover are more likely to form insular, strong ties with predominantly Muslim friend networks, which decreased their likelihood of voting and affiliating with a political party. Interestingly, frequency of mosque attendance across both covered and uncovered respondents is associated with a higher probability of political participation, an effect noted in other religious institutions in the United States. Yet, mosque attendance can simultaneously decrease the political engagement of congregants if they are steered into exclusively religious friend groups. This discovery reveals a tension within American Muslim religious life and elaborates on the role of religious institutions vs. social networks in politically mobilizing Muslim-Americans.


Author(s):  
Margaux Hanes Brown ◽  
Ari-Elle R. West

Islamophobia is the unfounded fear of Islam and resulting hostility that Muslims experience as a religious minority in the U.S. For a marginalized community in the U.S., this increases the risk for poor mental health outcomes and further compounds stigma around help-seeking behaviors. In this case study, a family unit presented for counseling with stress resulting from life cycle stressors. However, the intersectionality of their religious identity affected how the individuals experienced transitions as well as microaggressions. This case study includes a counselor's application of the Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies, treatment interventions, and extensions for further professional development.


Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anisah Bagasra ◽  
Mitchell Mackinem

Acculturation of Muslims into the American culture continues to be a topic of deep interest. The purpose of this study was to examine acculturation in a sample of both American-born and Immigrant Muslim Americans. Two hundred and fifty five Muslim Americans completed a scale designed to assess two aspects of acculturation within the population: adherence to Islamic identity and conformity to American social norms. The survey was distributed in both a paper-based and online anonymous format consisting of demographic questions and the acculturation scale designed for this study. Results revealed that both immigrants and U.S. born Muslim Americans demonstrate a strong adherence to their Islamic identity and low levels of conformity to American social norms. American-born Muslims scored significantly lower on conformity to American social norms than immigrant Muslims. Study findings are consistent with previous research suggesting that Muslim Americans are less likely to sacrifice religious values to assimilate. Specific item results provide insight into what aspects of American culture Muslims are more willing to adopt, and which they are likely to shun. These findings demonstrate the challenges Muslim Americans face integrating in an increasingly hostile host culture.


2018 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 270-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM HOBBS ◽  
NAZITA LAJEVARDI

How have Donald Trump’s rhetoric and policies affected Arab and Muslim American behavior? We provide evidence that the de facto effects of President Trump’s campaign rhetoric and vague policy positions extended beyond the direct effects of his executive orders. We present findings from three data sources—television news coverage, social media activity, and a survey—to evaluate whether Arab and Muslim Americans reduced their online visibility and retreated from public life. Our results provide evidence that they withdrew from public view: (1) Shared locations on Twitter dropped approximately 10 to 20% among users with Arabic-sounding names after major campaign and election events and (2) Muslim survey respondents reported increased public space avoidance.


Author(s):  
Edward E. Curtis IV

The future of US democracy depends on the question of whether Muslim Americans can become full social and political citizens. Though many Muslims have worked toward full assimilation since the 1950s, it has mattered little whether they have expressed dissent or supported the political status quo. Their efforts to assimilate have been futile because the liberal terms under which they have negotiated their citizenship have simultaneously alienated Muslims from the body politic. Focusing on both electoral and grassroots Muslim political participation, this book reveals Muslim challenges to and accommodation of liberalism from the Cold War to the war on terror. It shows how the Nation of Islam both resisted and made use of postwar liberalism, and then how Malcolm X sought a political alternative in his Islamic ethics of liberation. The book charts the changing Muslim American politics of the late twentieth century, examining how Muslim Americans fashioned their political participation in response to a form of US nationalism tied to war-making against Muslims abroad. The book analyzes the everyday resistance of Muslim American women to an American identity politics that put their bodies at the center of US public life and it assesses the attempts of Muslim Americans to find acceptance through military service. It concludes with an examination of the role of Muslim American dissent in the contemporary politics of the United States.


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