scholarly journals For the Poor, but Not Only the Poor: On Optimal Pro-Poorness in Redistributive Policies

Social Forces ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ive Marx ◽  
Lina Salanauskaite ◽  
Gerlinde Verbist
Science ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 369 (6508) ◽  
pp. 1188-1192
Author(s):  
Rohini Pande

Millions of the world’s poorest people now live in middle-income democracies that, in theory, could use their resources to end extreme poverty. However, citizens in those countries have not succeeded in using the vote to ensure adequate progressive redistribution. Interventions aiming to provide the economically vulnerable with needed resources must go beyond assisting them directly, they must also improve democratic institutions so that vulnerable populations themselves can push their representatives to implement redistributive policies. Here, I review the literature on such interventions and then consider the “democracy catch-22”: How can the poor secure greater democratic influence when the existing democratic playing field is tilted against them?


Author(s):  
Matias López ◽  
Graziella Moraes Silva ◽  
Chana Teeger ◽  
Pedro Marques

Abstract Previous studies have posited that elites are willing to advance the redistribution of income and social goods when the negative effects of inequality, such as crime and conflict, threaten their own interests. Although elites acknowledge these negative effects, their support for redistributive policies remains low throughout the Global South. We address this paradox using a multi-method research design. Drawing on 56 in-depth interviews with Brazilian political and economic elites, we document how, when discussing the negative effects of inequality, interviewees consistently characterized the poor as ignorant, irrational and politically incompetent. We use these findings to theorize about the negative impact of such perceptions of the poor on elite support for redistribution. We then test this relationship using survey data gathered from random samples of political and economic elites in Brazil, South Africa and Uruguay (N = 544). We find the relationship to be robust.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 618-630
Author(s):  
Ngoc Phan ◽  
Sondra Collins

2011 ◽  
Vol 105 (2) ◽  
pp. 316-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
NOAM LUPU ◽  
JONAS PONTUSSON

Against the current consensus among comparative political economists, we argue that inequality matters for redistributive politics in advanced capitalist societies, but it is the structure of inequality, not the level of inequality, that matters. Our theory posits that middle-income voters will be inclined to ally with low-income voters and support redistributive policies when the distance between the middle and the poor is small relative to the distance between the middle and the rich. We test this proposition with data from 15 to 18 advanced democracies and find that both redistribution and nonelderly social spending increase as the dispersion of earnings in the upper half of the distribution increases relative to the dispersion of earnings in the lower half of the distribution. In addition, we present survey evidence on preferences for redistribution among middle-income voters that is consistent with our theory and regression results indicating that left parties are more likely to participate in government when the structure of inequality is characterized by skew.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Marisa Ribeiro Teixeira Duarte ◽  
Carlos André Teixeira Gomes ◽  
Luciana Gonçalves de Oliveira Gotelib

We analyzed the infrastructure conditions of Brazilian schools, aiming to expose their inequalities and territorial distribution. The literature review pointed an influence on previous studies of school infrastructure of regulation by outcomes on the educational system coordination and the limits of current redistributive policies in promoting greater inter federative equity. We tested the hypothesis of a poor school for the poor using the clusters analysis (use of K-means after application of hierarchical method, to determine the number of clusters and centroids). The three clusters obtained (adequate, intermediate and precarious) allowed us to trace the profiles of school infrastructure inequalities by constructing reference variables that expressed the quality of the good or service. Among the results obtained, there was a greater number of students from families participating in the “Bolsa Família” Program in public schools located in urban areas in the group called “adequate”, according to Brazilian standards. There was also a higher concentration of these students in municipal schools in rural areas of the “precarious” group, despite the reduced number of enrollments by Brazilian standards. We concluded by relating the reasons for the invisibility of these schools to the agendas of national public education policies. 


2001 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicoli Nattrass ◽  
Jeremy Seekings

Given that incomes in South Africa are distributed very unequally, it might be expected that the establishment of representative democracy would result in the adoption of redistributive policies. Yet overall inequality has not declined since 1994. The electoral and party system provides uneven pressure for redistribution. The fact that poor South Africans have the vote ensures that some areas of public policy do help the poor. The post-apartheid government not only inherited a surprisingly redistributive set of social policies (welfare, education and health care), but has made changes that entail even more redistribution. But these policies do little to help a core section of the poor in South Africa: the unemployed, and especially households in which no one is working. Other public policies serve to disadvantage this marginalised constituency: labour market and other economic policies serve to steer the economy down a growth path that shuts out many of the unskilled and unemployed. The workings of these policies remain opaque, making it unlikely that poor citizens will use their vote to effect necessary policy reforms.


2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 382-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Macedo

The Article defends against various objections, the practice of funding religious schools and other faith-based social service providers, but only on condition that they comply with various public regulations and requirements. Critics of conditional funding—including Moshe Cohen- Eliya—argue that conditional funding is coercive and unfair to poorer religious parents, is often divisive or ineffective, and it threatens the autonomy and integrity of religious communities by putting a price on (or increasing the cost of) some of their religious practices; it would be better simply to prohibit the disfavored educational practices targeted by funding conditionalities. I argue that typical funding conditionalities are not objectionably coercive as long as they are designed to advance defensible public purposes. Unfairness to the poor should be addressed by general redistributive policies. The Article allows that funding conditionalities might undermine religious communities’ integrity, and cause social divisions, but that these concerns are speculative and not an adequate basis for disallowing in advance conditional public funding of faith-based institutions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 76-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Edwards

In this article, I discuss the ways in which populist experiments have evolved historically. Populists are charismatic leaders who use a fiery rhetoric to pitch the interests of “the people” against those of banks, large firms, multinational companies, the International Monetary Fund, and immigrants. Populists implement redistributive policies that violate the basic laws of economics, and in particular budget constraints. Most populist experiments go through five distinct phases that span from euphoria to collapse. Historically, the vast majority of populist episodes end up badly; incomes of the poor and middle class tend to be lower than when the experiment was launched. I argue that many of the characteristics of traditional Latin American populism are present in more recent manifestations from around the globe.


Author(s):  
M. Osumi ◽  
N. Yamada ◽  
T. Nagatani

Even though many early workers had suggested the use of lower voltages to increase topographic contrast and to reduce specimen charging and beam damage, we did not usually operate in the conventional scanning electron microscope at low voltage because of the poor resolution, especially of bioligical specimens. However, the development of the “in-lens” field emission scanning electron microscope (FESEM) has led to marked inprovement in resolution, especially in the range of 1-5 kV, within the past year. The probe size has been cumulated to be 0.7nm in diameter at 30kV and about 3nm at 1kV. We have been trying to develop techniques to use this in-lens FESEM at low voltage (LVSEM) for direct observation of totally uncoated biological specimens and have developed the LVSEM method for the biological field.


Author(s):  
Patrick Echlin

A number of papers have appeared recently which purport to have carried out x-ray microanalysis on fully frozen hydrated samples. It is important to establish reliable criteria to be certain that a sample is in a fully hydrated state. The morphological appearance of the sample is an obvious parameter because fully hydrated samples lack the detailed structure seen in their freeze dried counterparts. The electron scattering by ice within a frozen-hydrated section and from the surface of a frozen-hydrated fracture face obscures cellular detail. (Fig. 1G and 1H.) However, the morphological appearance alone can be quite deceptive for as Figures 1E and 1F show, parts of frozen-dried samples may also have the poor morphology normally associated with fully hydrated samples. It is only when one examines the x-ray spectra that an assurance can be given that the sample is fully hydrated.


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