The “Experiment” in Democracy, 1945–1964

Brazil ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Riordan Roett

Thomas Skidmore, in his definitive book on Brazil titled Politics in Brazil, 1930–1964: An Experiment in Democracy, wrote that “all Brazilians, regardless of political position, seem agreed that April 1, 1964, was a watershed in postwar Brazilian history.”1 This section of...

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 769-784 ◽  
Author(s):  
Estella Tincknell

The extensive commercial success of two well-made popular television drama serials screened in the UK at prime time on Sunday evenings during the winter of 2011–12, Downton Abbey (ITV, 2010–) and Call the Midwife (BBC, 2012–), has appeared to consolidate the recent resurgence of the period drama during the 1990s and 2000s, as well as reassembling something like a mass audience for woman-centred realist narratives at a time when the fracturing and disassembling of such audiences seemed axiomatic. While ostensibly different in content, style and focus, the two programmes share a number of distinctive features, including a range of mature female characters who are sufficiently well drawn and socially diverse as to offer a profoundly pleasurable experience for the female viewer seeking representations of aging femininity that go beyond the sexualised body of the ‘successful ager’. Equally importantly, these two programmes present compelling examples of the ‘conjunctural text’, which appears at a moment of intense political polarisation, marking struggles over consent to a contemporary political position by re-presenting the past. Because both programmes foreground older women as crucial figures in their respective communities, but offer very different versions of the social role and ideological positioning that this entails, the underlying politics of such nostalgia becomes apparent. A critical analysis of these two versions of Britain's past thus highlights the ideological investments involved in period drama and the extent to which this ‘cosy’ genre may legitimate or challenge contemporary political claims.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (11) ◽  
pp. 144-153
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Zapesotsky

Book Review: P.P. Tolochko. Ukraine between Russia and the West: Historical and Nonfiction Essays. Saint Petersburg: Saint Petersburg University of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2018. - 592 pp. ISBN 978-5-7621-0973-4This author discusses the problem of scientific objectivity and reviews a book written by the medievalist-historian P.P. Tolochko, full member of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (NASU), honorable director of the NASU Institute of Archaeology. The book was published by the Saint Petersburg University of Humanities and Social Sciences in the autumn of 2018. The book presents a collection of articles and reports devoted to processes in Ukraine and, first of all, in Ukrainian historical science, which, at the moment, is experiencing an era of serious reformation of its interpretative models. The author of the book shows that these models are being reformed to suit the requirements of the new ideology, with an obvious disregard for the conduct of objective scientific research. In this regard, the problem of objectivity of scientific research becomes the subject of this review because the requirement of objectivity can be viewed not only as a methodological requirement but also as a moral and political position, opposing the rigor of scientific research to the impact of ideological, political and moral systems and judgments. It is concluded that in this sense the position of P.P. Tolochko can be considered as the act of profound ethical choice.


Author(s):  
Hedda, Reindl-Kiel

Abstract The motivation of the Ottoman sultans to commence and to keep diplomatic contacts with Muscovy was largely due to their demand for luxury commodities such as sable fur and walrus tusks. The royal court used furs as clear status markers, particularly when bestowing robes of honour upon dignitaries. This feature allows glimpses into the deeply hierarchical structure of Ottoman society, which had only little formal divisions. Moreover, the royal palace used sable fur in a similar function as precious stones in decorating the setting when receiving foreign diplomats. Imports from the Ottoman Empire to Russia are not documented in the Turkish archives. The same is true for diplomatic gifts from the Ottoman court to Moscow. Only from the 18thcentury onwards gift packages to the court of St. Petersburg are recorded, indicating Russias political position as a European global player in the view of the Porte.Аннотация Одной из причин инициации и поддержания дипломатических контактов с Московией для Османских султанов было желание обладать определенными предметами роскоши собольими мехами и моржовыми бивнями. При дворе меха служили маркерами статуса, особенно если мантии вручались первыми лицами как награда за какие-либо заслуги. Более того когда во дворце готовили покои к приему иностранных дипломатов, собольи меха использовались в качестве украшения интерьера, как и драгоценные камням. В Турецких архивах нет документов об импорте товаров из Османской империи в Россию, дипломатические подарки Османского двора Московии также документально не зафиксированы. Только начиная с XVIII в. велась запись подарков-подношений ко двору в Санкт-Петербурге. Согласно этим документам Россия воспринималась Османской империей в качестве значимого политического игрока.


2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filip Škiljan
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Tiago Camarinha Lopes

Abstract The paper presents both the key arguments and the historical context of the socialist economic calculation debate. I argue that Oskar Lange presented the most developed strategy to deal with bourgeois economics, decisively helping to create the scientific consensus that rational economic calculation under socialism is possible. Lange’s arguments based on standard economic theory reveal that the most ardent defenders of capitalism cannot reject socialism on technical terms and that, as a consequence, the Austrian School was left with no choice but to diverge from mainstream economics in its search to develop a framework that could support its political position. This shows that Mises’ challenge from 1920 was solved and has been replaced by a political posture developed by Hayek and leading Austrians economists, who have been struggling since the 1980s to revise the standard interpretation of the socialist economic calculation debate. I argue that this revision should not be uncritically accepted and conclude that socialism cannot be scientifically rejected; it can only be politically rejected, by those whose economic interests it opposes.


Mathematics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 443
Author(s):  
Inmaculada Gutiérrez ◽  
Juan Antonio Guevara ◽  
Daniel Gómez ◽  
Javier Castro ◽  
Rosa Espínola

In this paper, we address one of the most important topics in the field of Social Networks Analysis: the community detection problem with additional information. That additional information is modeled by a fuzzy measure that represents the risk of polarization. Particularly, we are interested in dealing with the problem of taking into account the polarization of nodes in the community detection problem. Adding this type of information to the community detection problem makes it more realistic, as a community is more likely to be defined if the corresponding elements are willing to maintain a peaceful dialogue. The polarization capacity is modeled by a fuzzy measure based on the JDJpol measure of polarization related to two poles. We also present an efficient algorithm for finding groups whose elements are no polarized. Hereafter, we work in a real case. It is a network obtained from Twitter, concerning the political position against the Spanish government taken by several influential users. We analyze how the partitions obtained change when some additional information related to how polarized that society is, is added to the problem.


Organization ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Dale ◽  
Yvonne Latham

In this article, we are concerned with the ethical implications of the entanglement of embodiment and non-human materialities. We argue for an approach to embodiment which recognises its inextricable relationship with multiple materialities. From this, three ethical points are made: first, we argue for an ethical relation to ‘things’ not simply as inanimate objects but as the neglected Others of humanity’s (social and material) world. Second, there is a need to recognise different particularities within these entanglements. We draw on the work of Merleau-Ponty and Levinas to think through how the radical alterity of these Others can be acknowledged, whilst also recognising our intercorporeal intertwining with them. Third, we argue that recognition of this interconnectedness and entanglement is a necessary ethical and political position from which the drawing of boundaries and creation of separations that are inherent in social organising can be understood and which contribute to the denigration, discrimination and dismissal of particular forms of embodiment, including those of non-human Others. In order to explore the ethical implications of these entanglements, we draw upon fieldwork in a large UK-based not-for-profit organisation which seeks to provide support for disabled people through a diverse range of services. Examining entanglements in relation to the disabled body makes visible and problematises the multiple differences of embodiments and their various interrelationships with materiality.


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