scholarly journals Richard Arman Gregory, 1864-1952

1953 ◽  
Vol 8 (22) ◽  
pp. 410-417
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Sunday School ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
World Congress ◽  
Vice Presidency ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
The World ◽  
Wesleyan Church ◽  
John Gregory

Richard Arman Gregory was born in Bristol on 29 January 1864. His father was John Gregory, the poet cobbler, whose memory is perpetuated in Bristol by a bust in the Kingsley Hall. His mother was Fanny Arman. His parents lived to celebrate their diamond wedding in July 1916. John Gregory was one of a pioneer band of social reformers, actively engaged in establishing the socialist and labour movements. Among others of that group were Ben Tillett, Jim O’Grady (afterwards Sir James O ’Grady, British High Commissioner to the Commonwealth of Australia), and Ramsay Macdonald. Richard Gregory remained, to the end of his life, a Radical friendly to the views of the political party that these men helped to found. His father— following his own Devonshire parent, a shoemaker of Bideford—was also an active and devoted Methodist, and Richard in his boyhood developed a keen interest in the local Wesleyan Sunday School and sang as a boy alto in the Wesleyan church choir. Later he moved away from the religious outlook of his childhood, as is shown by his Presidency of the Ethical Union and his Vice-Presidency of the Rationalist Press Association; but that his interest in religion had been maintained is clear from his membership of the National Unitarian Fellowship and his Vice-Presidency of the World Congress of Faiths, the body founded by Sir Francis Younghusband.

The Poetic and the Political in Valery Podoroga’s Analytical Anthropology

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (5) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Oleg Aronson
Keyword(s):  
Special Kind ◽  
Literary Work ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
Cultural Practice ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
The World ◽  
Life Itself ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Analytical Tools

The article is devoted to an analysis of the creative work of the Russian philosopher Valery Podoroga. It focuses on the special discipline he created, namely, “analytical anthropology”, and the book “Anthropograms”, in which Valery Podoroga sets out the basic principles and analytical tools of his philosophical work. Examining the books of the philosopher that preceded the creation of analytical anthropology and those that were written later, it is possible to single out two important lines of his research. First, the philosophy of literature and second, research in the field of the political. Podoroga’s understanding of literature is broader than that of a cultural practice or a social institution. For him, it is the space of the corporal experience of contact with the world, in which the affective aspect of thinking is realized. This line of analysis points to the “poetic” dimension of the experience of thinking, since the emphasis here is on what Jakobson called the “poetic function of language”, its orientation toward itself. It is precisely the literary aspect that becomes important when analyzing the texts of philosophers (Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, Heidegger); however, what is even more important is that in the very experience of fiction Podoroga is trying to find new means for philosophy. His “poetic line” is closely connected with the poetics of space (Bachelard) and the phenomenology of the body (Merleau-Ponty, Henry). It is the combination of poetics and phenomenology that allows Podoroga to overcome both the orientation of poetics exclusively toward language and the categorical apparatus of philosophy. The main result of Valery Podoroga’s work is the creation of an “anthropogram”, a special kind of scheme in which the action of the Work (a literary work, but not only) is immanent to the dynamics of the world. Is it possible to create such anthropograms outside the field of literature? Podoroga does not specify. The article attempts to show how Podoroga’s ways of working with literary texts correlate with his works dealing with the technologies of power and violence, transforming separate political and ethical terms into anthropograms, that is, forms of thought immanent to life itself.

scholarly journals Civil Society against Corruption: A Study of the Role of PRISM in Mizoram

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-69
Author(s):  
Lalthakima
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Free Society ◽  
Lower House ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Right To Information ◽  
Member Of Parliament

None of the countries in the world is ‘corruption free country’. Despite the efforts of every country to curb the menace of corruption, the affected countries failed to contain corruption to the level of zero. It becomes a serious threat and challenge to most democratic countries of the world. At present civil societies which bridge the gap between the society and the government come to the forefront to fight against this menace. In Mizoram; for more than a decade, People’s Right to Information and Development Implementing Society of Mizoram (PRISM) involved in fighting against corruption. However, after a prolonged campaign against corruption, the society has turned itself to be a political party on November 3, 2017 and contested election for the Assembly seats in 2018 and also contested an election for a lone seat of Member of Parliament from Mizoram in the lower house of the Parliament in 2019. The name of the erstwhile society was rechristened as ‘People’s Representation for Identity and Status of Mizoram’ and retained the abbreviated form PRISM. Efficiency in governance, changing the political system and corruption free society are the main objectives of PRISM.

IX

2018 ◽  
pp. 355-368
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Final Decision ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Party System

This chapter is an addendum to Sahajanand’s main narrative which ended with imprisonment in April 1940. He actually wrote this part during 1946 to make his narrative up to date. He differed with the Congress decision to launch the Quit India Movement in August 1942 as he felt the situation had radically changed with Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union. The world in general and India in particular was faced with the prospect of the fascist menace. It was during this phase that most of the political parties emerged from the Kisan Sabha and the Communist Party of India tried to take over the All India Kisan Sabha. Sahajanand became very critical of the political party system and reiterated his final decision never to join any political party. His narrative ends with a reference to the Dumraon struggle against the Dumraon Raja.

Catholic–Anglican Relations: Archbishop Downey, Bishop David and the Decree Ne Temere, 1930–1931

2008 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-123
Author(s):  
John Davies
Keyword(s):  
British Empire ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
The City ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

... in no English city is there a greater need for prudence in ecclesiastical matters than in the great city of Liverpool. That world famous seaport has too often heard the cries of religious factions and has too often seen violence and bloodshed as the result of clashes between professing Christians. There is every reason why the heads and leaders of the various denominations should teach their people both by precept and example, to wipe out the old stain on Liverpool's good name and to gild the city's escutcheon with nobler usages.Richard Downey on becoming Catholic Archbishop of Liverpool in 1928 seems to have anticipated The Tablet’s admonition. Downey indeed seems to have begun his episcopate (1928–1953) with a determination to change the public perception of Catholicism in his diocese and in the city of Liverpool in particular. In late twentieth century terminology he engaged in a ‘re-branding exercise’. He withdrew support for a specifically Catholic political party in Liverpool, which had been favoured by his predecessor Archbishop Keating. He emphasised the civic commitment and the ‘Englishness’ of the Catholic community, moderating the impression that the Catholic community in Liverpool was essentially Irish. Thus although St. Patrick’s Day would continue to be celebrated, so would St. George’s Day. Additionally the blessings conferred on the world by the British Empire would be fulsomely acknowledged. Catholics would be seen to be part of the mainstream community contributing to its fullness and development. They would cease to be perceived as an alien irritant in the body politic.

scholarly journals KOMUNIKASI POLITIK KIAI DALAM PENCALONAN GUS IPUL PUTI PADA PILKADA JAWA TIMUR TAHUN 2018

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Bayu Priambodo
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Organization ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
Descriptive Qualitative

ABSTRACT                 This research seeks to see the kiai political communication in the nomination of Gus Ipul Puti in the East Java regional election in 2018. East Java Province is the basis of the Nahdlatul Ulama which is the largest religious organization in Indonesia. But in the 2018 elections the two best keders from the Nahdlatul Ulama organization fought in the elections to fight for the number one seat in East Java. The existence of this phenomenon resulted in segregation within the body of the Nahdlatul ulama organization so as to form two major shafts in East Java's political content. The Lirboyo axis is the axis that supports Gus Ipul and Puti while the Tebuireng axis is the axis that supports Khofifaf and Emil. The method in this study uses descriptive qualitative where data is obtained from interviews with several scholars who support the nomination of Gus Ipul and Puti. The results of this study indicate that the kiai political communication in nominating Gus Ipul as governor had occurred 10 years ago precisely in the East Java regional election in 2008 but because at that time Gus Ipul did not yet have a political party, he was paired with Soekarwo to become deputy governor. The political communication produced a document called the Lirboyo agreement which contained Gus Ipul who would accompany Seokarwo for two periods as deputy governor. The results of political communication were not violated for 10 years because at the time of the 2013 East Java regional election Gus Ipul was still accompanying Seokarwo as deputy governor..Keywords:  Political communication, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, local election. ABSTRAK Penelitian  ini berusaha untuk melihat komunikasi politik kiai dalam pencalonan Gus Ipul Puti pada pilkada Jawa Timur di tahun 2018. Provinsi Jawa Timur merupakan basis dari Nahdlatul Ulama yang merupakan organisasi keagamaan terbesar di Indonesia. Namun dalam pemilu tahun 2018 dua keder terbaik dari organisasi Nahdlatul Ulama bertarung dalam pilkada untuk memperebutkan kursi no satu yang ada di Jawa Timur. Dengan adanya fenomena tersebut mengakibatkan terjadinya segregasi di dalam tubuh organisasi Nahdlatul ulama sehingga membentuk dua poros besar dalam kontentasi politik Jawa Timur. Poros Lirboyo adalah poros yang mendukung Gus Ipul dan Puti sedangkan poros Tebuireng adalah poros yang mendukung Khififaf dan Emil. Metode dalam penelitian ini menggunakan kualitatif deskritif dimana data diperoleh dari wawancara dengan beberapa kiai yang mendukung pencalonan Gus Ipul dan puti. Hasil dari penelitian ini menujukkan bahwa komunikasi politik kiai dalam mencalonkan Gus Ipul sebagai gubernur sudah terjadi sejak 10 tahun lalu tepatnya pada pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2008 namun karena saat itu Gus Ipul belum memiliki partai politik akhirnya dipasangkan dengan Soekarwo untuk menjadi wakil gubernur. Komunikasi politik tersebut menghasilkan dokumen yang dinamakan perjanjian Lirboyo yang isinya Gus Ipul akan mendampingi Seokarwo selama dua periode menjadi wakil gubernur. Hasil komunikasi politik tersebut tidak dilanggar selama 10 tahun karena pada waktu pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2013 Gus Ipul masih mendampingi Seokarwo sebagai wakil gubernur.Kata Kunci: Komunikasi politik, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, pilkada

Seeing Red (or Blue): How Party Identity Colors Political Cognition

The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen N. Goggin ◽  
Alexander G. Theodoridis
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Self Concept ◽  
The Political ◽  
Psychological Mechanisms ◽  
Voter Identification ◽  
Sports Fandom ◽  
Party Identity ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Cognition

Abstract Many Americans associate themselves with their political party in a deep, visceral way. Voter identification with a political party has powerful implications for not just how voters behave, but how there are exposed to and receive information about the world. We describe how this tying of one’s self-concept to a party, which can be analogous to die-hard sports fandom, plays a central role in political cognition. It leads voters identifying with the two parties to perceive the political (and even seemingly apolitical) world in dramatically different ways. We detail the psychological mechanisms by which this party identity produces these distortions and offer examples of the bias that emerges. We conclude by discussing the implications of these phenomena for perpetuating our current hyper-polarized political discourse.

scholarly journals Athens and beyond: Soviet psychiatric abuse and the World Psychiatric Association

1990 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 129-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney Bloch
Keyword(s):  
Royal College ◽  
The Political ◽  
World Congress ◽  
The World ◽  
The One ◽  
Eighth World

The recent Eighth World Congress of the World Psychiatric Association (WPA), held between 12 and 19 October 1989 in Athens, was reminiscent of the previous World Congress in 1983 in Vienna, and the one before that in 1977 in Honolulu. Once again the issue of the Soviet political misuse of psychiatry reared its ugly head, and dominated the Association's proceedings. In 1977 the critical debate revolved around what position the WPA should adopt concerning the abuse. In a cliff-hanger vote, the WPA passed a resolution condemning the political misuse of psychiatry but explicitly citing the Soviet case (Bloch & Reddaway, 1984). In the absence of any improvement in the situation by the time of Vienna and in the virtual certainty that the Russians would have been expelled from the organisation, the Soviet Psychiatric Society resigned from its membership in January 1983. In order to forestall a precipitous and premature readmission, the Royal College of Psychiatrists proposed at the Vienna Congress that the Soviets would be welcomed back into the fold but only when they had demonstrated “sincere co-operation”, and when there had been concrete evidence of “amelioration” of the abuse.

Patterns of Intra-Party Democracy across the World

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niklas Bolin ◽  
Nicholas Aylott ◽  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Empirical Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Large N ◽  
The World ◽  
The Empirical Analysis

Despite the widespread recognition of the relevance of intra-party democracy (IPD), there has been a lamentable scarcity of empirical data suitable for large-N cross-sectional comparative analysis. This has changed with the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) project. Against this background this chapter sheds some light on questions about whether and how IPD varies systematically by country and party level criteria. The empirical analysis shows that country-level factors are generally more important than party-level factors. Most importantly, the existence of a party law and levels of trust and affluence are associated with higher levels of IPD. However, the authors also find that smaller parties, in terms of membership size, are associated with higher levels of IPD. While the results must be interpreted with some caution, the authors believe they constitute a first step towards reframing the scholarly debate on IPD from what is normatively desirable to a discussion about causes and consequences of variations in IPD.

Political Song in Africa

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liz Gunner
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Continent ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Music ◽  
Nelson Mandela ◽  
The World ◽  
Dynamic Growth ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Many

Song is not a topic that is automatically associated with politics in many countries in the world. If it is, it may be an occasional association, one linked perhaps to times of war and the marching songs of soldiers, or to the rise to power of a particular leader who might manipulate his followers by appealing to their love of a particular brand of folk heritage and so to love of a nation. In Africa, however, song and the political are closely associated, and it is true to say that in many African nations a knowledge of how political song works is essential to being part of a particular community or political party, or even to having a sense of who one is and where one comes from. Some might even say that if you cannot sing, in a political sense you are not a fully operational member of society. Song in Africa has a presence in the political space and the public sphere of many countries, but it need not be evident all the time. It can be a resource that knowledgeable citizens draw on at times of pressure or of celebration or even of mourning, when, for instance, singing for a lost leader provides comfort to singers and the wider community alike. A nation can grieve in song, as was the case in South Africa at the death of former president Nelson Mandela. Political song can be a veritable arsenal of energy for those struggling for a better order, and it features frequently in histories of the nationalist struggles of the 1950s and 1960s on the continent, particularly in southern Africa. It has a place too in the histories of the continent’s cities, which were often centers of dynamic growth and social change, where it provides a rich mix of political music and popular culture. The many different expressions and guises of political song on the African continent are in some ways as unpredictable as they are prevalent. Political song has also a certain fragility. Certain bodies of song can be passed over, erased, or substituted by those more dominant. If song can encapsulate memories, ideas, events, and people, those songs can also fall away. Song can in a sense enable a community to imagine itself, and change and sometimes a particular gifted singer can bring about this shift of class, consciousness, and identity, as is the case in the late-19th-century community in Zanzibar. It can also be used as a weapon of protest and defiance in times of struggle, but also as a means of control. All these points about political song in Africa illustrate why it is important as a topic of research.

Communicative Capitalism and Revolutionary Form

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 326-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jodi Dean
Keyword(s):  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Form ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Winner Take All ◽  
Communicative Capitalism ◽  
Take All ◽  
The Way

This essay considers the political form that is presupposed in questions of resistance and revolution. It situates resistance and revolution in communicative capitalism, a setting characterised by intense winner-take-all inequality, the decline of symbolic efficiency, and the shift from the use to the circulation value of communicative utterances. It draws out the way that this setting inflects the body the question of resistance and revolution presupposes. Is it the world, the individual, the network, or the party? I argue that the party is the form we need to assume when we ask about revolution because it is the party that has the capacity to strategise, to plan and to arrange itself with an eye to revolution. Capitalismo comunicativo y forma revolucionaria

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