scholarly journals KOMUNIKASI POLITIK KIAI DALAM PENCALONAN GUS IPUL PUTI PADA PILKADA JAWA TIMUR TAHUN 2018

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Bayu Priambodo

ABSTRACT                 This research seeks to see the kiai political communication in the nomination of Gus Ipul Puti in the East Java regional election in 2018. East Java Province is the basis of the Nahdlatul Ulama which is the largest religious organization in Indonesia. But in the 2018 elections the two best keders from the Nahdlatul Ulama organization fought in the elections to fight for the number one seat in East Java. The existence of this phenomenon resulted in segregation within the body of the Nahdlatul ulama organization so as to form two major shafts in East Java's political content. The Lirboyo axis is the axis that supports Gus Ipul and Puti while the Tebuireng axis is the axis that supports Khofifaf and Emil. The method in this study uses descriptive qualitative where data is obtained from interviews with several scholars who support the nomination of Gus Ipul and Puti. The results of this study indicate that the kiai political communication in nominating Gus Ipul as governor had occurred 10 years ago precisely in the East Java regional election in 2008 but because at that time Gus Ipul did not yet have a political party, he was paired with Soekarwo to become deputy governor. The political communication produced a document called the Lirboyo agreement which contained Gus Ipul who would accompany Seokarwo for two periods as deputy governor. The results of political communication were not violated for 10 years because at the time of the 2013 East Java regional election Gus Ipul was still accompanying Seokarwo as deputy governor..Keywords:  Political communication, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, local election. ABSTRAK Penelitian  ini berusaha untuk melihat komunikasi politik kiai dalam pencalonan Gus Ipul Puti pada pilkada Jawa Timur di tahun 2018. Provinsi Jawa Timur merupakan basis dari Nahdlatul Ulama yang merupakan organisasi keagamaan terbesar di Indonesia. Namun dalam pemilu tahun 2018 dua keder terbaik dari organisasi Nahdlatul Ulama bertarung dalam pilkada untuk memperebutkan kursi no satu yang ada di Jawa Timur. Dengan adanya fenomena tersebut mengakibatkan terjadinya segregasi di dalam tubuh organisasi Nahdlatul ulama sehingga membentuk dua poros besar dalam kontentasi politik Jawa Timur. Poros Lirboyo adalah poros yang mendukung Gus Ipul dan Puti sedangkan poros Tebuireng adalah poros yang mendukung Khififaf dan Emil. Metode dalam penelitian ini menggunakan kualitatif deskritif dimana data diperoleh dari wawancara dengan beberapa kiai yang mendukung pencalonan Gus Ipul dan puti. Hasil dari penelitian ini menujukkan bahwa komunikasi politik kiai dalam mencalonkan Gus Ipul sebagai gubernur sudah terjadi sejak 10 tahun lalu tepatnya pada pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2008 namun karena saat itu Gus Ipul belum memiliki partai politik akhirnya dipasangkan dengan Soekarwo untuk menjadi wakil gubernur. Komunikasi politik tersebut menghasilkan dokumen yang dinamakan perjanjian Lirboyo yang isinya Gus Ipul akan mendampingi Seokarwo selama dua periode menjadi wakil gubernur. Hasil komunikasi politik tersebut tidak dilanggar selama 10 tahun karena pada waktu pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2013 Gus Ipul masih mendampingi Seokarwo sebagai wakil gubernur.Kata Kunci: Komunikasi politik, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, pilkada

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Nur Faizin

Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) plays an important role in various aspects of Indonesians’ life. In a political sphere, NU had became a respected political party. Eventually, NU decided to withdraw from politics through the declaration of khittah, which was mandated by the National Alim Ulama NU meeting at Pondok Pesantren Salafiah Syafi’iyah Sukorejo, Situbondo, East Java on 13-16 Rabi’ul Awwal 1404 H / 18-21 December 1983 M. However, this declaration is not immediately release its’ cadres not to plunge in the political stage. Nowadays, many NU cadres occupying important positions both in local and the central government. Therefore, it is interesting to observe how local elite of NU in Sumenep during the local election contribute to shape political dynamics in the region. This research using qualitative research method by employing interpretive and naturalistic approaches to the subject of study. The key informants for this research are those who actively engage in politics, especially the elites of the NU and their followers. This study found that there are continuity relations between the NU elites who take part in practical political stage and those who are behind the political stage. In addition, the battle of several candidates for government position among the local elites of NU pushed the blessing of kyai away from the significant factor of voters to decide whom they had chosen in the last election.NU (Nadlatul Ulama) berperan penting dalam berbagai kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Dalam ranah politik, NU pernah menjadi sebuah partai besar yang disegani. Akhirnya ia memilih keluar dari lingkaran percaturan pilitik praktis melalui khittah NU 1926 yang dipuruskan melalui musyawarah Nasional Alim Ulama NU di Pondok Pesantren Salafiah Syafi’iyah Sukorejo, Situbondo, Jawa Timur pada tanggal 13-16 Robi’ul Awwal 1404 H/18-21 Desember 1983 M. Sejak saat itu NU dan politik terpisah secara praktis. Namun demikian tidak dengan serta merta melepas para kader-kadernya untuk tidak terjun di panggung politik. Saat ini telah banyak kader NU menduduki posisi penting baik di pemerintahan daerah hingga pemerintahan pusat. Hal tersebut tentunya tidak terlepas dari background rumah asal mereka sebagai golongan nahdliyin. Begitu pula yang terjadi di daerah Kabupaten Sumenep. Sejak pemilihan umum secara langsung tidak sedikit kader NU duduk di pemerintahan lokal sebgai DPRD ataupun kepala pemerintah daerah (bupati). Yang menjadi persoalan utama di sini ialah tidak hanya mereka yang menang merebut kuasa, namun lebih pada bagaimana pengaruh elite lokal NU dalam dinamika Pemilukada di Kabupaten Sumenep terutama pada tahun 2010. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, yang memfokuskan diri pada perhatian dengan berbagai metode mencakup pendekatan interpretatif dan naturalistik terhadap subjek kajiannya. Sedangkan lokasi penelitian ialah di Kabupaten Sumenep, Jawa Timur. Sasaran penelitian masyarakat Sumenep dan elite NU Kabupaten Sumenep. Walau penelitian berlangsung selama satu bulan penelitian termasuk prelimenary research. Dalam penelitian ini ditemukan beberapa rangkaian kesinambungan antara elite NU yang berkiprah di panggung politik praktis dan mereka yang berada di belakang panggung. Selain itu pertarungan beberapa calon kepala pemerintahan yang nota bane adalah rata-rata sebagai warga nahdliyin tidak menjadikan pengaruh atau restu kiai sebagai alasan utama pemilih pada Pemilukada tahun 2010 memilih calon yang dikehendaki.Key words: NU, Local Election, Kyai, and Politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-460
Author(s):  
Achmad Nafhis Ubaydillah ◽  
Effy Zalfiana Rusfian

Semiotics is used as the basis for the meaning contained in each message, especially regarding political communication which uses a reference that every message meaning is contained in it. A political communication that uses the interactional communication model carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama convinces the public to support Joko Widodo as a candidate for President of Indonesia in 2019. Semiotics has a relationship with the prevailing culture in an area due to signs and patterns of political communication. carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama is believed to be a communication process and uses signs and figures of speech through the metaphor of political communication by referring to the communication made between the two actors to participate in seeing the communication process by sending messages to the public. Semiotics is used in a message as well as to be sent to the public. The campaign carried out by Joko Widodo has a close relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama as the two of them did to believe in all Indonesian people with the messages sent by both of them. However, the semiotic element contained in the political communication carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama invites the Indonesian people to follow what is done by interpreting the meaning of semiotics in the political messages sent by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama to the Indonesian people.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-460
Author(s):  
Achmad Nafhis Ubaydillah ◽  
Effy ZalfianaRusfian

Semiotics is used as the basis for the meaning contained in each message, especially regarding political communication which uses a reference that every message meaning is contained in it. A political communication that uses the interactional communication model carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama convinces the public to support Joko Widodo as a candidate for President of Indonesia in 2019. Semiotics has a relationship with the prevailing culture in an area due to signs and patterns of political communication. carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama is believed to be a communication process and uses signs and figures of speech through the metaphor of political communication by referring to the communication made between the two actors to participate in seeing the communication process by sending messages to the public. Semiotics is used in a message as well as to be sent to the public. The campaign carried out by Joko Widodo has a close relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama as the two of them did to believe in all Indonesian people with the messages sent by both of them. However, the semiotic element contained in the political communication carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama invites the Indonesian people to follow what is done by interpreting the meaning of semiotics in the political messages sent by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama to the Indonesian people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Haedar Nashir ◽  
Zuly Qodir ◽  
Achmad Nurmandi ◽  
Hasse Jubba ◽  
Mega Hidayati

This study focuses on the way in which Muhammadiyah, one of Indonesia’s largest Islamic organizations, stood in the 2019 General Election. Like its counterpart Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah has marked the moderation of Islam in Indonesia, different from Islam elsewhere in the Middle East. Since its establishment, Muhammadiyah has urged its members not to join any specific political party, but rather to take a moderate position in political pragmatism and support patriotism in broader national interest. Likewise, in the 2019 election, Muhammadiyah did not organizationally support any candidates, citing its “middle way” approach. However, this study identifies a dualism in the political attitudes of Muhammadiyah’s elites. Even without official orders or prohibitions from the central leadership, some Muhammadiyah members got involved and carried their organization’s attributes to support certain candidates, resulting in political division within the organization. Some members of the organization took a clear political stance, whereas others remain neutral. This created tension within the organization in both elite and grass-root level. The main data for this study were collected through interviews, unstructured discussions, and focus group discussions with several Muhammadiyah elites.[Artikel ini melihat posisi yang diambil salah satu organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Muhammadiyah, dalam Pemilu 2019. Bersamaan dengan Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah menjadi penanda moderasi Islam di Indonesia yang berbeda dengan Islam di tempat lain. Sejak didirikan, Muhammadiyah telah menandaskan untuk tidak berafiliasi dengan partai politik tertentu, tetapi mengambil posisi moderat dalam perpolitikan dan mendukung patriotisme demi kepentingan nasional yang lebih luas. Demikian juga, dalam Pemilu 2019, Muhammadiyah secara resmi tidak mendukung calon mana pun berdasarkan konsep “jalan tengah”. Namun, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi adanya dualisme dalam sikap politik para elit Muhammadiyah. Tidak adanya perintah atau larangan resmi dari pusat, banyak anggota Muhammadiyah yang membawa atribut organisasi dan terlibat aktivitas politik serta mendukung kandidat tertentu. Ini berakibat munculnya keterbelahan politik dalam Muhammadiyah. Beberapa anggota mengambil sikap politik yang jelas, sedangkan yang lain tetap netral. Ini menimbulkan ketegangan dalam organisasi, baik di tingkat elit maupun akar rumput. Data utama untuk penelitian ini dikumpulkan melalui wawancara, diskusi tidak terstruktur, dan diskusi kelompok terfokus dengan beberapa elit Muhammadiyah.]


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 298-317
Author(s):  
Gary Timothy Hasian Purba ◽  
Subhilhar Subhilhar ◽  
Hatta Ridho

The purpose of this study was to analyze a single candidate pair in the regional head election of Pematang Siantar City in 2020. The purpose of this study was to explain why there was a single candidate pair in Pematang Siantar City. The legality of the Constitutional Court Decision number 100/PUU-XII/2015 is a legal force to uphold the meaning of democracy in political contestation, in this case regional head elections. Besides that, the essence of democracy which promises freedom to be elected and to vote is an additional power to bring up a single candidate pair. The failure to regenerate political parties is another trigger for the emergence of a single candidate pair in the post-conflict local election. Not only in Pematang Siantar City but also throughout Indonesia. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative with interview instruments involving political party administrators and political observers in Pematang Siantar City in addition to references to single candidate pairs. The weak cadre of political parties with the presence of wholesale parties makes incumbents not get support in Pematang Siantar City. The legal power of the Constitutional Court's decision and the meaning of democracy to be elected and voted made the single candidate pair in Pematang Siantar City win the post-conflict local election against an empty box.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Caesar Demas Edwinarta ◽  
Rizkya Dwijayanti

This research seeks to analyze the political communication run by elite Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah in the election of Mayor and Vice Mayor (Pilwali) Kediri Year 2013 ago. Organizationally, neither NU nor Muhammadiyah declared its involvement in the Kediri City Pilwali process. But personally, at the elite level, there is a role performed by each of these institutions. This study was studied using descriptive qualitative method with purposive selection technique of informant accompanied by triangulation of source as technique of examination of data validity. The political communication carried out by both NU and Muhammadiyah is a political communication based on the Pareto stratification which divides the community groups that have the advantage to govern and who have no advantages whatsoever. NU has an elite stratification consisting of elites who have the advantage to govern and represent by kyai and elite who have no superiority to govern by being described as NU daily administrators on the management of Tanfidziyah. While the majority of Muhammadiyah elites have the capability as an elite that has an advantage with consideration of the influence resulting from political communication conducted by the elites. The results of this study indicate that political communication that occurs is a representation of an elite circulation process that results in an elite shift as a form of elite substitute shrewdness in shifting the previous strong elite's position through shifting values by placing influential groups in political contestation as a group capable of transferring power of the previous group. Keywords: Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah, Elit.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-165
Author(s):  
Ahmad Harun Yahya

Hasan Basri Agus was the winner of the Jambi local election in 2010. Start his career from civil servant, and then became head of subdistrict before he was choosen as regent of Sarolangun and the last he was elected as Jambi governor in the period of 2010-2015.  In the applied of his government, Hasan Basri Agus applied the principles of political communication as an important way to build interaction relationship with Jambi communities. The research uses a qualitative method by using a constructive paradigm. Based on constructive paradigm, the next approach the researcher use in a dramaturgical analysis. This research sought to give an objective analysis of the political communication of the Jambi Governor in the applied of his government. The result of the research show that Hasan Basri Agus succesfully represented him self as people protector, religious, and charismatic leader.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-53
Author(s):  
Muh. Irfan

The research is aimed to investigate the type of diction and language style which used in political party banner advertisement in East Lombok. This research was descriptive qualitative to get some basic information about the diction and language style which used in banner advertisement political party in East Lombok. To collect the data, the researcher used documentation which includes book, newspaper, magazine, photo or picture in order to find out the source. The data were a photo of a political party banner advertisement in East Lombok. The data were analyzed by using textual analysis with particular criteria which concerned with analyzing the language element in the political party banner advertisement in East Lombok. Based on the analysis result there are some findings. The diction used political party banner advertisement in East Lombok were connotative and denotative. The language style used was alliterated, assonance, personification, and hyperbole. After all the hyperbole style was dominated.


ARISTO ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kokom Komariah ◽  
Dede Sri Kartini

Social media nowadays has been crutial part of human being life particularly for the genarations those are so called millenial. The massive use of social media is not merely functioned for the social purpose such as information sharing among them but also has been used for business and economic or even political purposes. The local election of the Jawa Barat province in the year of 2018 is a moment where the millineal generation functioned the social media such as facebook and whattsap for the political purposes. This article discusses the phenomenon of using internet-based social media as an instrument in political communication and campaigning in the local election of West Java Province in 2018 as well as discussing the effectiveness of the media contents in shaping the pattern of millennial generation political behavior. The research adopts is qualitative approach by taking the object of research on political communication, as well as culture and political behavior. The main informants from this study were beginner voters who also catogerisaed as the group of the millennial generation. This study found that social media contents in general became an important instrument in shaping the pattern of political behavior of the millennial generation. The roles of the media for instance are indicated that current life of the millennial generation that cannot be separated from such media, social media contents provides political knowledges about profiles of candidates in local election, social media content provided political education both related to the technical implementation of the election and also the vision and mission of the candidates and, millennial generation have their respective communities which they make as a forum for discussion about the social media contents.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gwyneth Howell ◽  
Bruce Da Silva

Researchers suggest that the youth of today has disengaged from the political landscape in Australia. However, the online realm provides potential first time voters an avenue in which to engage in politics in an environment that is generally associated with a youthful demographic. New media tactics utilised during the 2007 Australian federal election aimed to not only attract youthful voters, but also to educate and deliver policy on a level generally associated with the 18-24 demographic. This study explored the effectiveness of new media in the political communication context, in particular with relation to first time voters. This research found that first time voters were not as engaged as predicted, and that the third party sites were more popular with undecided voters than the formal political party sites in voter influence.


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