scholarly journals Wisconsin April 2020 Election Not Associated with Increase in COVID-19 Infection Rates

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew C. Berry ◽  
Madhuri S. Mulekar ◽  
Bruce B. Berry
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Incubation Period ◽  
Case Reports ◽  
The United States ◽  
Infection Rates ◽  
Web Based ◽  
Primary Election ◽  
Milwaukee County ◽  
The Us ◽  
Voting Age

AbstractBackgroundWisconsin (WI) held a primary election in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. Live voting at polls was allowed despite concern over increasing the spread of COVID-19. In addition to 1.1 million absentee ballots cast, 453,222 persons voted live. The purpose of our study was to determine if an increase in COVID-19 activity was associated with the election.MethodsUsing the voting age population for the United States (US), WI, and its 3 largest counties, and daily new COVID-19 case reports from various COVID-19 web-based dashboards, daily new case rates were calculated. With election day April 7, the incubation period included April 12-21. The new case activity in the rest of the US was compared with the Wisconsin activity during the incubation period.ResultsWI daily new case rates were lower than those of the rest of the US for the 10-day period before the election and remained lower during the post exposure incubation period. The ratio of Wisconsin new case rates to US new case rates was 0.34 WI: 1 US for the 10 days leading up to the election and declined to 0.28 WI: 1 US for the 10-day post-incubation period after the election. Similar analysis for Milwaukee county showed a pre-election ratio of 1.02 Milwaukee: 1 US and after the election the ratio was 0.63 Milwaukee: 1 US. Dane county had a pre-election ratio of 0.21 Dane: 1 US case, and it fell to 0.13 Dane: 1 US after the election. Waukesha county had a pre-election ratio of 0.27 Waukesha: 1 US case and that fell to 0.19 Waukesha: 1 US after the election.ConclusionsThere was no increase in COVID-19 new case daily rates observed for Wisconsin or its 3 largest counties following the election on April 7, 2020, as compared to the US, during the post-incubation interval period.

Party Nominations and Electoral Persuasion

2019 ◽  
pp. 862-884
Author(s):  
J. Andrew Sinclair
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Comparative Literature ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Institutional Design ◽  
The United States ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Primary Election ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
The Us

US nominating institutions do not always seem to work as the conventional wisdom suggests they should. This chapter explores the intellectual puzzles of the US primary election literature, connects them to a broader comparative literature on nominations, and examines recent differences between the United States and United Kingdom. The expected relationship between institutional design and political outcomes is complicated by the environments for electoral persuasion. The chapter proposes that some recent innovations, such as California’s “top-two” procedure, provide a potentially fruitful area of research for scholars to investigate the interaction between party nominations and electoral persuasion.

scholarly journals Estimating Unreported COVID-19 Cases with a Time-Varying SIR Regression Model

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 1090
Author(s):  
Zhenghong Peng ◽  
Siya Ao ◽  
Lingbo Liu ◽  
Shuming Bao ◽  
Tao Hu ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Transmission Rate ◽  
Fixed Time ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ordinary Least Squares ◽  
Time Varying ◽  
County Level ◽  
Infection Rates ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Us

Background: Potential unreported infection might impair and mislead policymaking for COVID-19, and the contemporary spread of COVID-19 varies in different counties of the United States. It is necessary to estimate the cases that might be underestimated based on county-level data, to take better countermeasures against COVID-19. We suggested taking time-varying Susceptible-Infected-Recovered (SIR) models with unreported infection rates (UIR) to estimate factual COVID-19 cases in the United States. Methods: Both the SIR model integrated with unreported infection rates (SIRu) of fixed-time effect and SIRu with time-varying parameters (tvSIRu) were applied to estimate and compare the values of transmission rate (TR), UIR, and infection fatality rate (IFR) based on US county-level COVID-19 data. Results: Based on the US county-level COVID-19 data from 22 January (T1) to 20 August (T212) in 2020, SIRu was first tested and verified by Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression. Further regression of SIRu at the county-level showed that the average values of TR, UIR, and IFR were 0.034%, 19.5%, and 0.51% respectively. The ranges of TR, UIR, and IFR for all states ranged from 0.007–0.157 (mean = 0.048), 7.31–185.6 (mean = 38.89), and 0.04–2.22% (mean = 0.22%). Among the time-varying TR equations, the power function showed better fitness, which indicated a decline in TR decreasing from 227.58 (T1) to 0.022 (T212). The general equation of tvSIRu showed that both the UIR and IFR were gradually increasing, wherein, the estimated value of UIR was 9.1 (95%CI 5.7–14.0) and IFR was 0.70% (95%CI 0.52–0.95%) at T212. Interpretation: Despite the declining trend in TR and IFR, the UIR of COVID-19 in the United States is still on the rise, which, it was assumed would decrease with sufficient tests or improved countersues. The US medical system might be largely affected by severe cases amidst a rapid spread of COVID-19.

scholarly journals The role of subject knowledge in academic health sciences libraries: an online survey of librarians working in the United States

2008 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 3
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Web Sites ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
The United States ◽  
Health Sciences ◽  
Professional Organizations ◽  
Academic Health ◽  
Web Based ◽  
Subject Knowledge ◽  
The Us

Introduction - Previous research suggests that Canadian academic health sciences librarians value knowledge of the health sciences and spend a considerable amount of time gaining and maintaining it. The current study replicates the earlier Canadian survey but employs a larger American sample to address three questions: Do academic health sciences librarians working in the United States find knowledge of the health sciences to be important, and if so, how do they acquire it? Do the attitudes of Canadian and American academic health sciences librarians differ with respect to subject knowledge? Methods - An invitation to participate in a Web-based survey was sent to 711 academic health sciences librarians working in the US; 154 participated. Results - Academic health sciences librarians in the US felt that keeping up with the scientific and medical literature was important to doing their jobs, although only 50% of respondents felt that a degree in the health sciences was somewhat or very useful. Discussion - Participating in professional organizations, visiting Web sites, and reading or browsing journals or magazines were rated by respondents as the best ways to become informed about the health sciences. Findings were similar to those of an earlier survey of Canadian academic health sciences librarians.

COVID-19 Pandemic: Face Mask Mandates, Hospitalization, and Infection Rates in the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-124
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Armstrong-Mensah ◽  
Ato Kwamena Tetteh ◽  
Gifty Rhodalyn Tetteh
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Face Mask ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Health ◽  
Infection Rates ◽  
Hospitalization Rates ◽  
The Us ◽  
Health Organization ◽  
English Articles ◽  
The Relationship

Face masks have been identified as one of the preventive methods for the control of the 2019 coronavirus disease (COVID-19). Although the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommend the universal use of face masks, there are controversies in the implementation of a national face mask mandate in the US. This commentary discusses the relationship between facemask mandates and key COVID-19 indicators such as infection rates and hospitalization rates in the US. It also summarizes some of the political issues surrounding the implementation of the national face mask mandate. We conducted an ecological study on the relationship between face mask mandates and key COVID-19 indicators. We searched PubMed and Google Scholar and reviewed 150 English articles related to face mask challenges in the US published from 2005 to 2021. We identified seven challenges associated with face mask wearing - conflicting messaging, individualism, denial, health consequences, lack of a national masking standard, concerns of African American males, and environmental issues. We found that North Dakota, a state without a face mask mandate had the highest COVID-19 prevalence of 13.3%. The mean prevalence for the highest top 10 ranked states without and with a face mask mandate was 11.1% and 10.5%, respectively. We also found that Florida, Arizona and Georgia, states without a face mask mandates, had the highest cumulative hospitalizations of 83,381, 58,670, and 57,911 hospitalizations, respectively. Alabama, Indiana, and Minnesota, which have face mask mandates, had the lowest hospitalization rates of 47,090, 47,787, and 26,651, respectively.

scholarly journals Ongoing mitigation strategies and further needs of the United States food industry to control COVID-19 in the work environment

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Llanos-Soto ◽  
Ece Bulut ◽  
Sarah I Murphy ◽  
Christopher J Henry ◽  
Claire Zoellner ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Work Environment ◽  
Food Industry ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mitigation Strategies ◽  
Supply Chain Disruptions ◽  
Web Based ◽  
The Us ◽  
United States Food

The COVID-19 pandemic has had dire effects on the United States (US) food industry through impacts on workers' health and wellbeing and supply chain disruptions. The objectives of this study were to determine what the food industry needs to be able to control COVID-19 impacts in the work environment and what mitigation strategies are being implemented. A web-based needs assessment survey was distributed from January to April 2021, via 13 food professional/trade organizations and 2 social networks, targeting management professionals at food (produce, dairy, poultry, and beef/pork) processing facilities and produce farm operations in the US. Statistical analyses evaluated patterns in self-reported adoption of mitigation strategies against COVID-19 in the participants' facilities/operations and perceived needs of the industry regarding COVID-19. Responses to open-ended questions were analyzed using thematic analysis. In total 145 responses were received, of which 79 were usable, including 38 (48%) from the dairy, 17 (22%) from the fresh produce, and 24 (30%) from a mixture of other food industry sectors. Only two usable responses were from the beef/pork sector and none from the poultry sector. Findings revealed that several social distancing, biosecurity, and surveillance mitigation strategies against COVID-19 are commonly implemented in the participants' facilities/operations, but their implementation frequency differs by the facility/operation size and industry sector. Also, findings indicated that collaboration between the food industry and government agencies, contingency plans and appropriate training, and new technologies are needed to control COVID-19 in the food industry. Subject to limitations associated with the relatively low response rate (possible selection bias), the findings suggest that the US food industry is prepared to safeguard workers' health and businesses in the event of a new COVID-19 variant or similar future disaster, provided that appropriate structures are put in place to ensure coordination and compliance, both before and during such an outbreak.

scholarly journals Expanded Access and Right To Try Requests: The Community Oncologist's Experience

2021 ◽  
pp. OP.20.00569
Author(s):  
Marjorie E. Zettler ◽  
Yolaine Jeune-Smith ◽  
Bruce A. Feinberg ◽  
Eli G. Phillips ◽  
Ajeet Gajra
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Clinical Trials ◽  
Treatment Options ◽  
The United States ◽  
Investigational Drug ◽  
Web Based ◽  
Expanded Access ◽  
Patients With Cancer ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Right

PURPOSE: For patients with cancer who have exhausted approved treatment options and for whom appropriate clinical trials are not available, access to investigational drugs through the US Food and Drug Administration's Expanded Access (EA) program has been an alternative since the program's inception more than 30 years ago. In 2018, federal Right To Try legislation was passed in the United States, creating a second pathway—one that bypasses the US Food and Drug Administration—to obtain unapproved drugs outside of clinical trials. The use of the two programs by community medical oncologists and hematologist-oncologists has not been studied. METHODS: Between October 2019 and February 2020, community oncologists-hematologists from across the United States completed web-based surveys about EA and Right To Try pathways for accessing unapproved drugs for their patients. Physicians were asked about their utilization of, and perceptions of, the two programs. RESULTS: Of the 238 physicians who completed the survey, 46% indicated that they had attempted to gain access to an investigational drug for a patient using the EA program, whereas 14% reported attempting to use Right To Try pathway to obtain an unapproved drug for a patient. Eighty-nine percent of those who tried to use the EA program reported success in obtaining the investigational drug versus 73% of those who attempted to use the Right To Try pathway. CONCLUSION: Our survey found that most community oncologists-hematologists were aware of both the EA and Right To Try pathways, but there is room for improvement in understanding and utilization of the programs.

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

‘To see oursels as ithers see us’: Reflections on Scottish Independence from the United States

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Scottish Diaspora

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.

Palestine Unbound

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Task Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Us ◽  
Intention To Move ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The U.S

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.

Against Slave Power? Slavery and Runaway Slaves in Mexico-United States Relations, 1821–1857

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Runaway Slaves ◽  
The Us ◽  
El Alto ◽  
Upper South ◽  
Lower South

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.

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