scholarly journals Characteristics and evolution of COVID-19 cases in Brazil: mathematical modeling and simulation

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Augusto Cardoso Passos ◽  
Estéfano Aparecido Vieira ◽  
José André Lourenço ◽  
Jefferson Oliveira do Nascimento
Keyword(s):  
Social Mobility ◽  
Social Distance ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Great Magnitude ◽  
Health Measures ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Official Data ◽  
Mathematical Interpretation

ABSTRACTThe pandemic caused by the coronavirus of severe acute respiratory syndrome 2 (SARS-CoV-2), the etiological agent of the 2019 coronavirus disease (COVID-19), represents a threat of great magnitude not faced in this century. As a result, each government has proposed emergency public health measures that are critical to delay the transmission and spread of the virus and mitigate its impacts. In Brazil, the outbreak triggered many cases of people infected with COVID-19. Considering there are no drugs or vaccines proven to be effective to treat the disease, analyzing the data of infection cases and their mathematical interpretation are essential for supporting and guiding governmental measures to suppress and mitigate the impact of COVID-19. This means that estimates with mathematical models to assess the development potential of sustained human-human transmission are needed. Since the disease has its own biological characteristics, the models need to be adapted to the variability of the regions’ characteristics and the decision-making by both the government and the population, in order to be able to deal with real situations. Thus, in the present paper, we analyzed the official data of COVID-19 in Brazil and used the Johnson-Mehl-Avrami-Kolmogorov (JMAK) equation to predict the evolution of the disease. The model indicates that a nucleation rate is of fourth order, which indicates that Brazilians are crowding with no respect to measures of social distance and disease prevention. In our opinion, the political authorities were unable to control the spread of the disease in Brazil, given that social mobility was interrupted by the federal and state governments.

scholarly journals Divorce; Albanian reality

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alketa Molla
Keyword(s):  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Politics ◽  
Representative Model ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Official Data ◽  
New Jobs

The phenomenon of divorce every day and more is becoming worrisome for Albanian society. Before 90s divorce was taboo. The number of divorced couples was very low and one of the reasons was the mentality, and prejudice build up from the monopoly political system. On the 90s the political system has changed and we had the phenomenon of the opening of the society and the immigration. Alongside this phenomenon every year it is noticed that the number of divorced couples is been increasing. This phenomenon is documented on the annual statistics provided by courts in the country. The purpose of this study is to explore the impact of the immigration and the opening of the society in to the increasing of the phenomenon of divorce. What kind of background have the couples that had a divorce and how many of these couples have had at least one of the partners in immigration? How much is the impact of the distance between partners in their relationship? What is the level of the presence of the divorce's culture in Albanian reality and what is the impact, influence of the country's culture that Albanian have been immigrated? The improvement of social and economic politics from the government affects the increasing of new jobs, this can make the immigration's phenomenon to be curbed and therefore curbing divorce's phenomenon due to immigration. The study carried out by virtue of representative model. The sample non casual: partners returned from immigration have made the request for divorce. Thematic analysis of data. Conclusions drawn in an interpretative approach.The study will be based on the official data of the courts and data provided by NGOs that have been dealing with divorce.

Referendum konstytucyjne we Włoszech. Jak głosowanie ludowe wpływa na system polityczny państwa?

2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.

Foundations of Islamic Economy, Islamic Scholarship, Mass Media, Linguistic Turn, and Social Mobility

2016 ◽  
pp. 234-249
Keyword(s):  
Social Mobility ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
The Political ◽  
September 11Th ◽  
The West ◽  
Linguistic Turn ◽  
Political Religion ◽  
Fresh Perspective ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The Impact

The world's reaction to the September 11th, 2001, event demonstrated its minimal understanding of Muslim societies from sociological, psychological, economic, and political perspectives.. In this chapter, socio-cultural, political, legal and historical forms of Islamic conditioning are reviewed to manifest how the Shi'ite clerical establishment became lenient towards what Weber called traditional capitalism. The impact of colonialism on Islamic societies and the political-religion bifurcations are discussed. A new and useful explanation of Islamic societies will assist one in looking at the Islamic world from a new perspective by synthesizing sociological and economic viewpoints, especially given the uneven globalization that is affecting Muslim societies. Patterns of intergenerational mobility in industrial nations and Islamic societies are reviewed. Only by developing a fresh perspective on the struggle of Muslim societies can the West understand how best to engage with these countries in order to precipitate reform and vastly improved relations. We concur with Esposito (1999) that our challenge is to better understand the history and realities of the Muslim world and to recognize the diversity and many faces of Islam.

Virus may force Egypt to turn to external support

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Health System ◽  
Economic Impact ◽  
Slow Rate ◽  
External Support ◽  
Portfolio Investment ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Mass Influx ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Official Data

Significance Egypt has already suffered severe economic impact, with tourism closed down and portfolio investment in full flight. The government has imposed a partial lockdown, while allowing construction and some manufacturing to continue, in an effort to mitigate the impact on the economy. Impacts The relatively slow rate of the pandemic’s spread in Egypt raises questions about the accuracy of official data. The health system would struggle to cope with a mass influx of potentially infected Egyptian workers from the Gulf. Egypt’s relatively youthful demographic profile may make the trajectory of the epidemic different than Europe’s.

Security Council Resolution 1101 (1997) and the Multinational Protection Force of Operation Alba in Albania

1999 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dino Kritsiotis
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
Security Council Resolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Humanitarian Crisis ◽  
Secure Environment ◽  
The Government ◽  
Pyramid Schemes ◽  
The Impact

In March 1997, the Security Council adopted Resolution 1101 (1997) which authorised a multinational protection force – known as Operation Alba – to enter Albania “to facilitate the safe and prompt delivery of humanitarian assistance, and to help create a secure environment for the missions of international organisations in Albania, including those providing humanitarian assistance.” Created with the consent of the government of Albania, the intervention occurred as a direct but also as a near-immediate response to the political, financial and humanitarian crisis that had been precipitated by the collapse of so-called pyramid schemes in Albania. The purpose of this article is to examine the background of the adoption of Resolution 1101 (1997) and then to investigate the impact and importance of the consent for the operation given by the beleaguered government of President Sali Berisha. The article will then analyse the legal significance, meaning and interpretation of Security Council in Resolution 1101 (1997), as amended in Resolution 1114 of June 1997, in its endeavour to provide an account of the organisation, achievements, shortcomings and lessons of Operation Alba.

The Political Legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas

1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles H. Weston
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
National Level ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas ◽  
The Revolution

The political legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas is marked by a striking paradox. On the one hand, Cárdenas as president of Mexico from 1934 to 1940 presided over the most radical phase of the Mexican Revolution or what some historians call the “Second Revolution.” He was instrumental in organizing industrial workers and peasants at the national level and incorporating both groups into the reorganized government party, the Partido de la Revolutión Mexicana (PRM), that had as its declared purpose the establishment of a “workers' democracy” in Mexico. Under his leadership the government supported the demands of industrial workers for higher wages and improved working conditions, greatly expanded the distribution of land to the peasantry, established new welfare programs, nationalized the railroad and petroleum industries and inaugurated a program of socialist education in the public schools. The prestige of Cárdenas as the foremost leader of the radical phase of the Revolution was enhanced by the fact that he, unlike many of his contemporaries, never attempted to use political office for personal financial gain; he was not a rich man when he completed his term of office as president. At the time of his death in 1970, Cárdenas was eulogized as “the greatest figure produced by the Revolution… an authentic revolutionary who aspired to the greatness of his country, not personal aggrandizement.” On the other hand, Cárdenas was the architect of the corporatist system of interest representation, including labor, peasant and business organizations, that provided the institutional framework of what Crane Brinton has called the “Thermidor,” i.e., the conservative reaction to the radical phase of the revolutionary process, that began in Mexico in approximately 1940. The institutions developed by Cárdenas were utilized by his successors to curtail the very reforms, such as agrarian and labor reform and socialist education, that had been central to his reform program. Moreover Cárdenas facilitated the transition to a more conservative era by naming as his successor Manuel Ávila Camacho, who was known to favor a moderation of the reform process, rather than Francisco Múgica, the preferred candidate of the radicals in the government. In short, Cárdenas played a decisive role both in presiding over the radical phase of the Revolution and in launching and shaping the relatively conservative post-1940 era. The paradox of the political legacy of Cárdenas is that though the seemingly radical reforms he carried out had a lasting impact upon Mexican politics, the impact was predominantly conservative rather than radical. This essay will endeavor to explain the paradoxical political legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas by focusing upon his ideology, the institutional reforms he carried out while president, and the impact of those reforms after 1940.

Trade Policy in American Economic History

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Douglas A. Irwin
Keyword(s):  
Trade Policy ◽  
Economic History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
Us Economy ◽  
Us Trade Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Main Instrument ◽  
The Impact

This article reviews the broad changes in US trade policy over the course of the nation's history. Import tariffs have been the main instrument of trade policy and have had three main purposes: to raise revenue for the government, to restrict imports and protect domestic producers from foreign competition, and to reach reciprocity agreements that reduce trade barriers. Each of these three objectives—revenue, restriction, and reciprocity—was predominant in one of three consecutive periods in history. The political economy of these tariffs has been driven by the location of trade-related economic interests in different regions and the political power of those regions in Congress. The review also addresses the impact of trade policies on the US economy, such as the welfare costs of tariffs, the role of protectionism in fostering US industrialization, and the relationship between the Smoot–Hawley Tariff Act and the Great Depression of the 1930s.

scholarly journals The impact of local commissioning on victim services in England and Wales: An empirical study

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lesley Simmonds
Keyword(s):  
Free Market ◽  
Voluntary Sector ◽  
The Political ◽  
Value For Money ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
Audit Culture ◽  
Victim Services ◽  
Victim Support ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This paper follows on from earlier work in which I discussed the potential impacts of the local commissioning of victim services by Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) in England and Wales. The introduction of this elected role and the devolution of responsibility to local PCCs was said to raise a range of issues for both victims and the voluntary sector, given that agencies within this sector are major providers of support for those affected by crime. Before 2014 the approach to the funding of victim services was not particularly of concern, save for questions being asked in the ‘audit culture’ of the early 2000s, around the extent to which the government-funded agency Victim Support could be said to be providing ‘value for money’. However, these concerns gained momentum with the incoming Coalition government of 2010, and by 2014 local commissioning by PCCs had been implemented. This meant the previous mixed economy of victim services provision via the largely centrally funded organisation ‘Victim Support’ as a ‘national victims’ service’, and an array of smaller and more financially independent victim agencies who had to bid for pots of funding much more competitively, has given way to the political appeal of a free market for all. In order then to explore the reality of this shift, a piece of empirical research was undertaken with voluntary-sector agencies in the far southwest of England. Essentially the research provides evidence that the issues raised in my earlier work have indeed come to fruition.

The political and security repercussions of Islamic State in the MENA region

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marién Durán ◽  
Víctor Bados
Keyword(s):  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Security Framework ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
International Response ◽  
Domain Type ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This chapter examines the political, territorial and security repercussions of the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS) for the MENA region, and particularly in Syria, Iraq and Libya. The proclamation of the IS, on 29 June 2014, has had a major impact on political and security alike. It has been given a new twist to the war in Iraq and Syria and the Libyan conflict on the following aspects: (i) amplifying and making the conflict more complex with related implications on security; (ii) establishing a new mode of governance in the conquered territories; and (iii) further producing a new security framework in MENA region. After a brief contextualization about the origins and goals of IS, the chapter analyses the following sections: (i) the impact of IS in the security domain (type of conflict with its own signs of identity); (ii) the government exerted in the occupied territories; and (iii) the implications and impacts on the security realm throughout MENA region by focusing on two main domains: the international response to the threat provided by the international community, and the new configuration of regional and global alliances. The main contribution of this chapter dues to the scarcity of studies in this regard is the analysis of the IS’ conflict typology.

scholarly journals State Independent Electoral Commissions and local government elections in Nigeria

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johnson O. Olaniyi
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Study Approach ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Local Government Level ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Government Level

Many state governments have not been allowing their State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) to conduct elections as at when due but rather settle for ‘caretaker committees’. Where elections have been conducted, the party in control of a state apparatus has been known to have cleared the polls. The general objective of this study is to assess the impact of electoral contest at the local government level on the political development of Nigeria. Specific objectives include (1) assessing the role of the political executives of a state in the determination of representation at the local government level in Nigeria; and (2) assessing the activities of SIECs in the management of local government polls. This study adopts comparative cum case study approach to analysing local government polls in Nigeria. This is discussed on a geopolitical basis. Some of the findings of the study include: (1) local government election in Nigeria is not given premium position by many state governments in the political landscape of their state because of the fear of playing into the hands of their political rivals; and (2) SIECs are only independent in name and not in practice. The study recommends, among others, that (1) the country should adopt the arrangement in the aborted Third Republic where the country’s EMB was empowered to conduct all elections at all levels of government and (2) local government elections in Nigeria should key into the electoral process of the country in all ramifications.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document