Fund Ownership of Sharia Banking According to Islamic Economic Political Perspective

The concept of ownership in Islamic economics states that individuals or legal entities that have the right to ownership of a property may use it freely as long as it does not violate Islamic economic principles and the public interest. However, for Islamic banking, the ownership of funds used as business capital comes from investor customers who deposit their funds in Islamic banks. This has an effect on the ownership status of these funds. This article uses a descriptive literature research method taken from various factual references with a focus on using a normative juridical approach. This type of research is qualitative research using data analysis through several steps such as focusing data, presenting funds and drawing conclusions. The results of this study reveal the fact that the ownership rights of funds in Islamic banking are sourced from the first party funds as the bank's founder, the second party funds as shareholders and third party funds as investor customers. Ownership of these funds cannot be separated from the contract mechanism used. So that the contract used is the cause of Islamic banks having ownership rights to use these assets for business activities. The use of these funds is guaranteed by law, which shows the role of Islamic economic politics through the legal umbrella that regulates the operational system of Islamic banking, especially in the permitting of the use of investor funds for business activities through the mechanism of channeling funds and service mechanisms.

Strengthening the Twenty-first Century Skills of University Students in Facing ASEAN Economic Community

This study aims to determine the strengthening of the 21st Century Skills of UPBJJ Pekanbaru and Pangkal Pinang students in dealing with the ASEAN economic community (MEA). The 21st Century Skills strengthening study was motivated by the low competition in economic politics in Indonesia. The study involved 379 students selected based on study programs at the Pekanbaru Open University and Pangkal Pinang. Data in the form of opinions and statements were collected using a questionnaire in the form of a questionnaire and essay. Data obtained were analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively. The results showed that UPBJJ Pekanbaru and Pangkal Pinang students were qualitatively ready to perform 21st-century skills, including digital era literacy, inventive thinking, memorable communication, high productivity, and spiritual norms and values. Based on quantitative data, there is no significant difference in strengthening the 21st Century Skills of UPBJJ Pekanbaru and Pangkal Pinang students.

LATAR BELAKANG PENGAMBILAN KEPUTUSAN VLADIMIR PUTIN ATAS ISU KRIMEA

AbstrakPenelitian ini menggambarkan tentang berbagai latar belakang pengambilan keputusan Putin atas isu Krimea yang melihat dasar-dasar pengambilan keputusan seperti intuisi, pengalaman, fakta, wewenang, dan rasionalitas yang memengaruhi Putin dalam melakukan aksi aneksasi Krimea tersebut. Dalam penulisan skripsi ini, sang penulis menggunakan kerangka teori Pengambilan Keputusan (Decision Making) yang merupakan topik utama sekaligus pisau analisa dalam penelitian ini. Metode penelitian yang digunakan oleh sang penulis dalam penyusunan skripsi ini adalah metode kualitatif. Adapun teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan oleh sang penulis dalam memperoleh data adalah melalui wawancara dan studi pustaka yang menelaah sejumlah buku, jurnal, artikel ilmiah, dan media elektronik. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa latar belakang pengambilan keputusan Vladimir Putin adalah berdasarkan pilihan rasional dengan melihat pertimbangan materil seperti memberi keuntungan di sektor keamanan, ekonomi, politik, memberikan peluang Rusia menjadi negara adidaya, dan pengamanan jalur pipa gas Rusia di Ukraina dan Krimea. Yang menarik dari tindakan yang diinisiasi oleh Putin itu adalah aksi tersebut dalam merebut suatu wilayah tanpa pencurahan darah. Ini adalah hal yang menarik bagi sang penulis karena bagaimana mungkin suatu intervensi militer di suatu wilayah tidak terjadi penyerangan dari pihak luar ke dalam suatu wilayah, dalam hal ini adalah aksi Rusia kepada Krimea. Politik keamanan, politik identitas, dan politik ekonomi mewarnai Putin dalam pengambilan keputusannya atas isu Krimea tersebut.Kata Kunci: Vladimir Putin, Pengambilan Keputusan, Pilihan Rasional, Rusia, Krimea, Ukraina.Abstract This research describes the various backgrounds of Putin's decision making on the Crimean issue which looks at the basics of decision making such as intuition, experience, facts, authority and rationality that influenced Putin in carrying out the Crimean annexation. In writing this thesis, the writer uses the theoretical framework of Decision Making which is the main topic as well as the analysis knife in this research. The research method used by the author in the preparation of this thesis is a qualitative method. The data collection techniques used by the author in obtaining data are through interviews and literature studies that examine a number of books, journals, scientific articles, and electronic media. The results show that the background of Vladimir Putin's decision making is based on rational choices by looking at material considerations such as providing benefits in the security, economic, political sectors, giving Russia the opportunity to become a superpower, and securing Russian gas pipelines in Ukraine and Crimea. What's interesting about the action initiated by Putin is that it seizes an area without shedding blood. This is an interesting matter for the author because how could a military intervention in a region not occur from outside attacks into an area, in this case Russia's action against Crimea. Security politics, identity politics and economic politics colored Putin in his decision making on the Crimean issue. Keywords: Vladimir Putin, Decision Making, Rational Choice, Rusia, Crimea, Ukraine.

“HUMANIST” MARXISM AND THE COMMUNIST REGIME WITH “SPARKLES” OF TOTALITARIANISM: THE YUGOSLAV COMMUNIST TOTALITARIAN EXPERIMENT (RESPONSE TO FLERE AND KLANJŠEK)

This paper is a response to the article “What Typological Appellation is Suitable for Tito’s Yugoslavia” published by Sergej Flere and Rudi Klanjšek in Istorija 20. veka, in which the two authors responded to our criticism of their previously published article. Unfortunately, the two authors saw our paper as an attack, either on them personally or on their academic merits and research, which was neither the aim nor desire of our response. In this article, we contest and dispute the arguments and claims made by Flere and Klanjšek, and especially their attempt to discredit us by actually fabricating our words. Instead of engaging in an open academic debate, Flere and Klanjšek attempt to derail this debate from its core by focusing solely on some minor mistakes, thus trying to show that we were superficial and counter-factual. Our decision to reflect on some of their statements served the purpose of demonstrating that Flere and Klanjšek’s response was far from an expected academic debate. In fact, in their response Flere and Klanjšek avoided addressing the crucial issues pertaining to the question of totalitarianism and the occurring dynamics of the Yugoslav communists’ idea on how to structure, rule, and supervise Yugoslav society. On the contrary, they decided to resolve this issue by introducing new views on the subject and new “solutions,” which deliver little substance to the key issues of this debate. However, our article reveals that the majority of their arguments is questionable or can be outright refuted by taking into consideration contemporary views on totalitarianism and the existing empirical data. This is evident with regard to the questions of historical dynamism, secret services, unified foreign policy, the role and position of the individual, Tito’s role and power, and Flere and Klanjšek’s distorted view of communist legitimacy. In our conclusion we point to the key aspects that need to be taken into consideration when discussing the nature of Tito’s Yugoslavia. Namely: (i) citizens were unable to cast their votes in free elections and were thus denied the opportunity to have any impact on the political, social, or economic politics that influenced their lives; (ii) the only “legitimate” way to exert individual influence in the political, social or economic area was to conform to and accept the prevalent idea of the communist interpretation of Marxism, the communist worldview, and the political power of the communist party; (iii) any attempt to openly oppose and/or criticize the regime was met with repercussions and punishment; (iv) any such activities were suppressed by the state apparatus on the republic and federal levels; (v) every individual or group active within the political structures was aware of Tito’s power to remove whomever he and his closest associates deemed “dangerous” or “destructive” elements; (vi) the communist leadership in the federal republics was faced with forceful removal and suppression when their policies were evaluated as non-compliant or dangerous; (vii) from an early age, individuals were immersed into the collective where they had to learn what it meant to be a “proper” and “respected” citizen. All these aspects were in force until the breakdown of Tito’s Yugoslavia. In conclusion, the occurring changes and dynamics never altered this totalitarian experiment’s core idea and its primary goal: to establish a socialist/communist society ruled by one party, the LCY, supervised by its police, secret service, army, and guided by a single ideological framework of the communist interpretation of Marxism.

Defining Asian Socialism: The Asian Socialist Conference, Asian Socialists, and the Limits of a Global Socialist Movement in 1953

The article examines the debates at the Asian Socialist Conference's (ASC) inaugural gathering in Rangoon in January 1953, using a variety of sources, including the minutes of the conference meetings found in the Swedish Social Democratic Party archives. The focus is on the efforts of Asian socialists to define Asian socialism in terms of three broad subjects: international politics; domestic politics; and economic politics. Throughout, particular attention is accorded to the role played by understandings of European socialism. The argument is threefold: that socialism was central to the ASC project, prompting efforts to define Asian socialism; that these efforts invariably raised the fraught question of Asian socialism's relationship with European socialism; and that the stakes involved in Rangoon were not limited to Asian socialism, but also involved socialism's potential as a global movement.

The Rise of China and Contestation in Global Tax Governance

Debate over the taxation of international business has focused on the importance of the United States and its large tech firms, paying low tax rates by using tax havens, in shaping the global political agenda. Yet in an era of China’s rise to power, this focus has overlooked both China’s influential political engagement with the global tax system, and how its changing economy alters its interests at home and abroad. In this paper, we address this oversight by providing an account of the sources and nature of the new Chinese global tax diplomacy. We argue that China's becoming a global net capital exporter, emergence as a major consumer market, and the growth of its own digital giant firms like Baidu, Tencent and Alibaba, underpins its interest in simultaneous ‘going out’ and ‘bringing in’ foreign direct investment by selectively and strategically engaging with Western-liberal institutions. Specifically, we show how China variously challenges, defends, and develops alternatives to global tax standards in three cases: global efforts to tackle corporate tax avoidance, bilateral tax treaty negotiations, and administrative tax cooperation. A better understanding of China’s significant, distinctive and varying diplomatic engagement with Western economic institutions, will help inform debates on the Chinese business-politics nexus and expand analyses of global tax and economic politics beyond US-centrism

THE PECULIARITIES OF INDUSTRIAL ENTERPRISES’ PROFIT TAXATION IN A DIFFERENTIATED APPROACH

This article studies the problem of improving enterprise profit taxation, the ways to solve it, and one of the main problems of the modern system of the enterprises taxation — how it is connected to the production efficiency. By solving it, we can determine the differentiation of the tax rates to the enterprises’ profit. Within its methodological framework, the author proposes to use the theory of surplus value. In order to spread the global methods for solving the issues of improving the taxation profit of enterprises and ensuring the economic efficiency and growth, the principles of neoclassic marginal theory are used. The system of indicators — signs and criteria — provides evidence for differentiating industrial enterprises into groups for a more optimal taxation of their profits. The author provides suggestions for forming the rate of the profit tax to stimulate the increase of production efficiency and reinvestment of funds for its development. The algorithm for calculating the profit tax rate assumes using the index of the norms of surplus value — profitableness of labor. This article proposes using a matrix for classifying industrial enterprises into groups, defining the level of the tax rates to profit for each of them based on the developed algorithm together with the level of production efficiency for 2018. For industrial enterprises, special industrial level of indicators — the signs differentiation — are considered: the structure of capital, the standard of profit, the profitableness of labor, and the results of their profit taxation using the method of free balance, the normative method, the modern and the proposed tax profit systems. In the case of the industrial enterprises, the relevance of the proposed reforms of the taxation of profit is explained. The results of research constitute the methodological basis of developing a more effective mechanism of taxing enterprises’ profit, which is especially necessary when realizing anti-crisis economic politics.

Conditions of hazardous waste management in Poland in the context of circular economy

Along with the increase of disproportions between the rapidly growing demand for raw and essential materials and limited possibilities of obtaining them, the economy of raw and essential materials becomes the main problem of contemporary and future social and economic politics. One of the important areas of reducing this disproportion is the limitation of intensity of waste generation during production and more consistent management of accumulated waste and waste generated on a daily basis. At the same time it is a major problem of obtaining secondary raw materials and the environment protection. The selection of technology of hazardous waste disposal should take place according to the principle of circular economy. It means that the rational waste management, taking into account both ecological and economic factors, enforces the demand for maximizing the utilization of waste in all possible applications while limiting its negative impact on the environment at the same time. In the article legal acts regulating the management of hazardous waste have been analyzed. Economic and ecological criteria of the selection of technology of disposal of hazardous waste have been analyzed.