scholarly journals Investigating the possible origin and transmission routes of SARS-CoV-2 genomes and variants of concern in Bangladesh

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdullah Al Nahid ◽  
Ajit Ghosh

The COVID-19 pandemic induced by the SARS-CoV-2 virus and its variants has ravaged most countries around the world including Bangladesh. We have analyzed publicly available genomic data to understand the current COVID-19 outbreak scenario as well as the evolutionary origin and transmission routes of SARS-CoV-2 isolates in Bangladesh. All the early isolates as well as recent B.1.1.7 and B.1.351 variants had already spread across the major divisional cities of Bangladesh. A sex biasness towards male COVID-19 patient samples sequencing has observed over female in all age-group, that could be the trend in infection rate. Phylogenetic analysis indicated a total of 13 estimated countries, including Italy, India, United Kingdom, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Germany, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Democratic Republic of the Congo, United States, Russia, and Denmark, could be the possible origin introduced SARS-CoV-2 isolates in Bangladesh because of regional and intercontinental travel. Recent, B.1.1.7 variant could be imported from a total of 7 estimated countries including UK, India, Nigeria, Spain, Ireland, Australia, and Indonesia, while South Africa and the United States are the most likely sources of B.1351 variant in Bangladesh. Based on these findings, public health strategies could be designed and implemented to reduce the local transmission of the virus.

2021 ◽  

Coronavirus disease 2019 is a respiratory sickness that may spread between persons. It is caused by a novel coronavirus that produces an outbreak in Wuhan, China and spread all over the world to become a pandemic. From the appearance of the first case of the new coronavirus in Morocco, Moroccan authorities has spared no effort to promote the health of Moroccans, ahead of that of the country’s economy. On 22 January 2021, 2 million doses, of AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine were delivered to Morocco, with a view to vaccinating 1 million Moroccans in a first phase. On 28 January, the campaign started and the King of Morocco was the 1st Moroccan to be vaccinated against the coronavirus. On 27 February 2021, Morocco has received 1 million doses from the Chinese laboratory Sinopharm and 6 million doses of the AstraZeneca vaccine allowing Morocco to vaccinate several audiences and the general public over the age of 60, and the most vulnerable. Thereafter, the COVID-19 vaccine doses administered per 100 people in 31 March 2021 were 115.89 in Israel, 84.01 in the United Arab Emirates, 52.53 in the United Kingdom, 44.93 in the United States, 45.04 in Bahrain, 21.66 in Morocco, 16.44 in Germany, 8.32 in China, 4.72 in India, and 0.44 in South Africa. Also, the population fully vaccinated against COVID-19 in 01 April 2021 were 55.51% in Israel, 22.12% in the United Arab Emirates, 20.08% in Chile, 16.77% in USA, 15.25% in Serbia, 15.14%in Bahrain, 10.21% in Morocco, 8.94% in Hungary, 8.23% in Turkey, 7.29% in UK, 3.07% in Russia, 2.39% in Brazil, 1.70% in Uruguay, 0.70% in India, and 0.45% in South Africa. This allows Morocco to figure in the top 10 countries fully vaccinated against COVID-19 despite the lack of resources and belonging to developing countries. Finally, our study gives an example to other countries to benefit from the Moroccan experience. Nevertheless, vaccination is only one element of a comprehensive COVID-19 strategy, it must be accompanied by measures to reduce circulating infection and keep them low.


2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-191
Author(s):  
Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja

Abstract:While Africans are generally satisfied that a person of African descent was reelected to the White House following a campaign in which vicious and racist attacks were made against him, the U.S. Africa policy under President Barack Obama will continue to be guided by the strategic interests of the United States, which are not necessarily compatible with the popular aspirations for democracy, peace, and prosperity in Africa. Obama’s policy in the Great Lakes region provides an excellent illustration of this point. Since Rwanda and Uganda are Washington’s allies in the “war against terror” in Darfur and Somalia, respectively, the Obama administration has done little to stop Kigali and Kampala from destabilizing the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and looting its natural resources, either directly or through proxies. Rwanda and Uganda have even been included in an international oversight mechanism that is supposed to guide governance and security sector reforms in the DRC, but whose real objective is to facilitate Western access to the enormous natural wealth of the Congo and the Great Lakes region.


1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 416-416

A meeting of the International Sugar Council was held in London, June 26 to July 20, 1950. The meeting was attended by delegates of Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Dominican Republic, France, Haiti, Indonesia, the Netherlands, Peru, Philippine Republic, Poland, Portugal, South Africa, the United Kingdom, Yugoslavia, and the United States. The purpose of the meeting was to discuss the world situation in sugar and the proposal for a new international sugar agreement. The council adopted a protocol which extended the international sugar agreement of 1937 one year from August 31, 1950. During 1950, the council created a special committee to 1) study the changing sugar situation as it related to the need or desirability for negotiating a new agreement, and 2) report to the council, as occasion might arise, on its findings and recommendations as to the possible basis of a new agreement. The special committee prepared a document which set forth certain proposals in the form of a preliminary draft agreement. The draft agreement included six fundamental bases: 1) the regulation of exports, 2) the stabilization of sugar prices on the world market, 3) a solution to the currency problem, 4) the limitation of sugar production by importing countries, 5) measures to increase consumption of sugar and 6) the treatment of non-signatory countries. The draft was then considered by the council at its meeting on July 20 at which time the council decided to submit it to member and observer governments for comments and to transmit such comments for consideration at a meeting of the special committee.


2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Itumeleng D. Mothoagae

The question of blackness has always featured the intersectionality of race, gender, sexuality and class. Blackness as an ontological speciality has been engaged from both the social and epistemic locations of the damnés (in Fanonian terms). It has thus sought to respond to the performance of power within the world order that is structured within the colonial matrix of power, which has ontologically, epistemologically, spatially and existentially rendered blackness accessible to whiteness, while whiteness remains inaccessible to blackness. The article locates the question of blackness from the perspective of the Global South in the context of South Africa. Though there are elements of progress in terms of the conditions of certain Black people, it would be short-sighted to argue that such conditions in themselves indicate that the struggles of blackness are over. The essay seeks to address a critique by Anderson (1995) against Black theology in the context of the United States of America (US). The argument is that the question of blackness cannot and should not be provincialised. To understand how the colonial matrix of power is performed, it should start with the local and be linked with the global to engage critically the colonial matrix of power that is performed within a system of coloniality. Decoloniality is employed in this article as an analytical tool.Contribution: The article contributes to the discourse on blackness within Black theology scholarship. It aims to contribute to the continual debates on the excavating and levelling of the epistemological voices that have been suppressed through colonial epistemological universalisation of knowledge from the perspective of the damnés.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan A. Boesak

The assassination of Martin Luther King Jr, 50 years ago on 04 April 1968, has been recalled in the United States with memorial services, conferences, public discussions and books. In contrast, the commemoration in 2017 of the death of Albert John Mvumbi Luthuli, 50 years ago on December 1967, passed almost unremarked. That is to our detriment. Yet, these two Christian fighters for freedom, in different contexts, did not only have much in common, but they also left remarkably similar and equally inspiring legacies for South Africa, the United States and the world in the ways they lived their lives in complete faith commitment to ideals and ways of struggle that may guide us in the ongoing struggles to make the world a more just, peacable and humane place. For South African reflections on our ethical stance in the fierce, continuing struggles for justice, dignity and the authenticity of our democracy, I propose that these two leaders should be considered in tandem. We should learn from both. This article engages Martin Luther King Jr’s belief in the ‘inescapable network of mutuality’, applies it to the struggle for freedom in South Africa and explores the ways in which South Africans can embrace these ethical ideals in facing the challenges of post-liberation.


Oryx ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin M. Poole ◽  
Chris R. Shepherd

AbstractThere are few published studies quantifying the volume of wildlife being traded through Singapore. We report on Singapore's involvement in the trade of avifauna listed on CITES based on government-reported data to CITES, with particular emphasis on Singapore's role in the trade of the globally threatened African grey parrot Psittacus erithacus. During 2005–2014 Singapore reported commercial import permits for 225,561 birds, from 35 countries, listed on CITES Appendices I and II, and the export of 136,912 similarly listed birds to 37 countries, highlighting the country's role as a major international transshipment hub for the global aviculture industry. Major exporters to Singapore included the Solomon Islands, the Netherlands, Taiwan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and South Africa. Major importers from Singapore included Taiwan, the United Arab Emirates and Japan. Singapore imported significant quantities of CITES-listed birds from African countries, including the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Guinea and South Africa, a number of which have a history of abuse of CITES export permits, discrepancies in reported trade data, or an acknowledged lack of wildlife law enforcement capacity. Significant discrepancies were detected between import and export figures of CITES-listed avifauna reported by Singapore and its trading partners. Based on these findings we present three recommendations to improve the regulation and monitoring of the trade in CITES-listed bird species in Singapore.


Jus Cogens ◽  
2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Fowkes

AbstractWhat is the relevance of the Indian case for South Africa? And what should South Africans, and the rest of the world, make of the claim in Madhav Khosla’s India’s Founding Moment that we should recognize India as ‘the’ paradigm case for modern constitutional democracy? The constitutional projects of India and South Africa are naturally connected, but Khosla’s book helps to bring out what is perhaps the most important of the connections. Both are founded on an insistently democratic constitutionalism, in places where most inhabitants had long been told they were not suited or ready for democracy. Both display the conviction that boldly giving the vote to all, in these circumstances, is a powerful way to construct a democracy. This idea is crucial for understanding many aspects of both constitutions. This makes India a natural paradigm case for South Africa and many others. The stronger claim, that it is ‘the’ paradigm case and should succeed the United States to this status, can become more complicated once one tests it out globally (like the US claim). Finland and Ireland are especially strong and earlier examples of what Khosla sees as ground-breaking in India. Latin America’s somewhat different post-colonial trajectory makes India a more imperfect paradigm there. But that said, treating India and its founding as paradigmatic may well be the single best step to take for a more balanced view of the constitutional world, and this book’s elegant erudition makes it a real scholarly pleasure to do so.


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