Organizing without organizations: on informal social activism in Poland

2016 ◽  
Vol 36 (9/10) ◽  
pp. 662-679 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominika Vergara Polanska ◽  
Galia Chimiak
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Social Activism ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Social Activists ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Civil Societies

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine motivations of social activists in informal initiatives and to understand why they opt for this more spontaneous and self-organized activism while openly defying the hitherto established way of founding non-governmental organizations. Design/methodology/approach On the basis of a case study of Poland, which had one of the most vibrant civil societies in the socialist region, it is argued that the characteristics ascribed to the functioning of civil society after the toppling of socialism are not reflected in its more recent state. A broader definition of civil society and social activism is suggested to include new types of informal activism, which tend to be over-looked and under-studied. The analysis is built on qualitative and quantitative data gathered in 2014-2015. Findings The argument put forward is that un-institutionalized engagement is qualitatively different from its formal and institutionalized counterpart. The recent growth of informal activism is indicative of a rebirth of communitarian engagement in Polish civil society and a reaction to the underside of its institutionalization. Originality/value In spite of the seminal role played by societal self-organization in the overturning of the socialist system in Eastern European countries, the development of civil society in the region after 1989 has been repeatedly described as passive and characterized by distrustful or individualist attitudes. However, these civil societies have been changing since, and these more recent developments have been neglected by scholars.

scholarly journals Spatial imaginaries and selective in/visibility: Mediterranean neighbourhood and the European Union’s engagement with civil society after the ‘Arab Spring’

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans-Joachim Bürkner ◽  
James W Scott
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Central Element ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Southern Mediterranean ◽  
Social Modernization ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Civil Societies

As part of a repertoire of the European Union’s (EU’s) geopolitical practices, the imaginary of Mediterranean Neighbourhood is a means with which to manage dissonance between the EU’s self-image as a normative power, changing political situations in the region and the Realpolitik of security. We argue that this also involved a ‘politics of in/visibility’ that promotes democratization and social modernization through structured cooperation while engaging selectively with local stakeholders. In directing attention to EU readings of and responses to the ‘Arab Spring’, we indicate how both a simplification of the issues at stake and highly selective political framings of local civil societies have operated in tandem. Drawing on a review of recent literature on civil society activism in the southern Mediterranean, we specifically deal with Eurocentric appropriations of civil society as a force for change and as a central element in the construction of the Mediterranean Neighbourhood. EU support for South Mediterranean civil society appears to be targeted at specific actors with whom the EU deems it can work: apart from national elites these include well-established, professionalized non-governmental organizations, and westernized elements of national civil societies. As a result, recognition of the heterogeneous and multilocal nature of the uprisings, as well as their causes, has only marginally translated into serious European Neighbourhood Policy reform. We suggest that an inclusive focus on civil society would reveal Neighbourhood as a contact zone and dialogic space, rather than a project upon which the EU is (rather unsuccessfully) attempting to superimpose a unifying narrative of EU-led modernization.

INTERACTION BETWEEN STATE AND CIVIL SOCIETY: INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE AND KAZAKHSTAN

2021 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-88
Author(s):  
М.М. Muratova ◽  
◽  
М. Onuchko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Third Sector ◽  
The State ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
The Third ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Third Sector ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Civil Sector

This article is devoted to the study of the international and Kazakhstani experience of building, regulation of relations between the state and civil society institutions, the definition of modern directions for the development of the third sector of Kazakhstan, as well as barriers and constraints that impede the transformation of relations between government bodies and non-profit organizations. In the framework of the study the experience of European states was taken, as countries that in historical perspective have the greatest experience in establishing relationships with the civil sector. On the basis of the study, the authors identified general tendencies that characterize the relations between the state and civil society, which are expressed in the strengthening of support for the third sector, the managerial and controlling functions of civil society institutions, as well as the replacement of some areas of activity of state bodies by non-governmental organizations.

scholarly journals The role of civil society in fostering government accountability in contemporary Serbia: On the limits of depoliticized social activism

Sociologija ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-661 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo Vukovic
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
International Development ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Social Activism ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Government Accountability ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations

It is often assumed that vibrant civil society is precondition for democracy, government accountability and rule of law. Following this assumption, international development agencies, civil society organizations and even governments are participating in activities aiming for the social accountability, that is, accountability of governments towards societies. In this article I am analyzing activities of prominent Serbian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the field of fostering government accountability. The analysis focuses on their ability to shift the balance of social and political power away from the state. The analysis is primarily based on empirical data collected through a series of in-depth interviews with representatives of NGOs. It reveals that NGOs follow policy-not-politics, that is, a depoliticized approach, that they target individual citizens and not social groups and nurture relationships with state institutions and public officials with whom they cooperate. They demonstrate a weak ability to (1) initiate wider civic mobilization or (2) establish solid institutional preconditions for government accountability. Thus, available data suggests that Serbian NGOs have weak potential to contest power of the state and thus contribute to strengthening government accountability and rule of law.

The International Court of Justice and Nongovernmental Organizations

2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dinah Shelton
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
International Organization ◽  
Judicial Process ◽  
International Court Of Justice ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
International Court ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractThe role that the non-governmental organizations can play with respect to the proceedings in front of the International Court of Justice has been always a thorny issue. The, relevantly recent, Practice Direction XII has not substantially ameliorated this situation. Although providing an avenue for the views of civil society to be represented, it can also be argued that from an interpretative point of view it is more restrictive than the Statute of the Court itself, a fact which reinforces the debate on the advantages and pitfalls of an amendment of the Statute of the Court. However, other problems remain; the definition of international organization, whether it includes NGOs as well or not, seems to differ not only from tribunal to tribunal e.g. PCIJ and ICJ but also from case to case. Other possibilities of submitting information to the Court, as for instance as experts, have been rarely put to use. The possible benefits of a greater participation of NGOs in the international judicial process have, nevertheless, up till now not changed the most likely of NGO submissions; they either end up being placed to the Peace Palace Library for consultation purposes or they are more seriously considered but only through the intermediary of a State involved in the proceedings.

Challenges to immigrant associations and NGOs in contemporary Greece

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 342-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Apostolos G. Papadopoulos ◽  
Christos Chalkias ◽  
Loukia-Maria Fratsea
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Hot Spot ◽  
Geographical Range ◽  
Legal Form ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Migrant Integration ◽  
Concentration Patterns

The paper explores the challenges faced today, in a context of severe economic crisis, by immigrant associations (ΙΜΑs) and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Greece. The data analysed here was collected between October 2009 and February 2010 and incorporates references to all recorded migration-related social actors operating in Greece. The paper takes into account such indicators as legal form, objectives, financial capacity and geographical range of activity, concluding with a typology of civil society actors dealing with migration issues. This study aims at informing the migration policymaking and migrant integration processes. By a spatial hot-spot clustering of IMAs and NGOs, we also illustrate the concentration patterns of civil society actors in Greece.

Touring for peace: the role of dual-narrative tours in creating transnational activists

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Maureen Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Attitude Change ◽  
Past Research ◽  
Host Population ◽  
Contact Hypothesis ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Peace And Justice

Purpose Scholarship on the contact hypothesis and peacebuilding suggests that contact with marginalized ethnic and racial groups may reduce prejudice and improve opportunities for conflict resolution. Through a study of dual-narrative tours to Israel/Palestine, the purpose of this paper is to address two areas of the debate surrounding this approach to social change. First, past research on the effectiveness of contact-based tourism as a method to change attitudes is inconclusive. Travel to a foreign country has been shown to both improve and worsen tourists’ perceptions of a host population. Second, few scholars have attempted to link contact-based changes in attitudes to activism. Design/methodology/approach Through an analysis of 218 post-tour surveys, this study examines the role of dual-narrative tours in sparking attitude change that may facilitate involvement in peace and justice activism. Surveys were collected from the leading “dual-narrative” tour company in the region, MEJDI. Dual-narrative tours uniquely expose mainstream tourists in Israel/Palestine to Palestinian perspectives that are typically absent from the majority of tours to the region. This case study of dual-narrative tours therefore provides a unique opportunity to address the self-selecting bias, as identified by contact hypothesis and tourism scholars, in order to understand the potential impacts of exposure to marginalized narratives. Findings The findings of this study suggest that while these tours tend to engender increased support for Palestinians over Israelis, their most salient function appears to be the cultivation of empathy for “both sides” of the conflict. Similarly, dual-narrative tours often prompt visitors to understand the conflict to be more complex than they previously thought. In terms of activism, tourists tend to prioritize education-based initiatives in their plans for post-tour political engagement. In addition, a large number of participants articulated commitments to support joint Israeli–Palestinian non-governmental organizations and to try to influence US foreign policy to be more equitable. Originality/value These findings complicate debates within the scholarship on peacebuilding as well as within movements for social justice in Israel/Palestine. While programs that equate Israeli and Palestinian perspectives are often criticized for reinforcing the status quo, dual-narrative tours appear to facilitate nuance and universalism while also shifting tourists toward greater identification with an oppressed population. Together, these findings shed light on the ability of tourism to facilitate positive attitude change about a previously stigmatized racial/ethnic group, as well as the power of contact and exposure to marginalized narratives to inspire peace and justice activism.

The Great Eastern Crisis (1875–1878) as a global humanitarian moment

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Adrian Ruprecht
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Institutional Arrangements ◽  
Red Cross ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
Global Spread ◽  
Global Movement

Abstract This article explores the global spread of the Red Cross and Red Crescent movement to colonial India. By looking at the Great Eastern Crisis (1875–78) and the intense public ferment the events in the Balkans created in Britain, Switzerland, Russia and India, this article illustrates how humanitarian ideas and practices, as well as institutional arrangements for the care for wounded soldiers, were appropriated and shared amongst the different religious internationals and pan-movements from the late 1870s onwards. The Great Eastern Crisis, this article contends, marks a global humanitarian moment. It transformed the initially mainly European and Christian Red Cross into a truly global movement that included non-sovereign colonial India and the Islamic religious international. Far from just being at the receiving end, non-European peoples were crucial in creating global and transnational humanitarianism, global civil society and the world of non-governmental organizations during the last third of the nineteenth century.

Are human rights archives accessible? Challenges and possible solutions to improve access for Dealing with the Past initiatives

Comma ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2020 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 139-150
Author(s):  
Romain Ledauphin ◽  
Claudia Josi ◽  
Rahel Siegrist
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Truth Commissions ◽  
Records Management ◽  
Maturity Model ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
The Past ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Federal Department ◽  
Definition Of

Records and archives containing information relating to grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law represent a fundamental source for, and can become trustworthy documentary evidence within, Dealing with the Past (DWP) processes including truth commissions, criminal tribunals, reparation programs, vetting processes and outreach projects. Those intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) working in the fields of human rights and peace and security are themselves important observers and actors in DWP processes and hence their records and archives are highly relevant to DWP initiatives. Such organizations should therefore be transparent and be able to facilitate DWP processes by granting access to their records. Given the International Council on Archives’ definition of “access” as relating to “… the availability of records for consultation as a result both of legal authorization and the existence of finding aids”, and the experience of swisspeace in advising DWP initiatives on collecting evidence and improving records management capacity, swisspeace together with the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs developed a roadmap which centres on the development of an “archives accessibility maturity model”. This tool will not only improve hands-on access in practice, but will ultimately improve knowledge about the multi-layered complexity of archives’ accessibility, strengthening the capacity of IGOs, INGOs and DWP initiatives to design and implement their access regulations, and thereby improving DWP initiatives’ ability to make successful access requests.

Evolution of artificial intelligence and its impact on human rights: from sociolegal perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheshadri Chatterjee ◽  
Sreenivasulu N.S. ◽  
Zahid Hussain
Keyword(s):  
Artificial Intelligence ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Unique Contribution ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Government ◽  
Unique Study ◽  
Rights Issues

Purpose The applications of artificial intelligence (AI) in different sectors have become agendas for discussions in the highest circle of experts. The applications of AI can help society and can harm society even by jeopardizing human rights. The purpose of this study is to examine the evolution of AI and its impacts on human rights from social and legal perspectives. Design/methodology/approach With the help of studies of literature and different other AI and human rights-related reports, this study has taken an attempt to provide a comprehensive and executable framework to address these challenges contemplated to occur due to the increase in usage of different AI applications in the context of human rights. Findings This study finds out how different AI applications could help society and harm society. It also highlighted different legal issues and associated complexity arising due to the advancement of AI technology. Finally, the study also provided few recommendations to the governments, private enterprises and non-governmental organizations on the usage of different AI applications in their organizations. Research limitations/implications This study mostly deals with the legal, social and business-related issues arising due to the advancement of AI technology. The study does not penetrate the technological aspects and algorithms used in AI applications. Policymakers, government agencies and private entities, as well as practitioners could take the help of the recommendations provided in this study to formulate appropriate regulations to control the usage of AI technology and its applications. Originality/value This study provides a comprehensive view of the emergence of AI technology and its implication on human rights. There are only a few studies that examine AI and related human rights issues from social, legal and business perspectives. Thus, this study is claimed to be a unique study. Also, this study provides valuable inputs to the government agencies, policymakers and practitioners about the need to formulate a comprehensive regulation to control the usage of AI technology which is also another unique contribution of this study.

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