Libya stabilisation force could be counterproductive

Significance This is part of UN-facilitated talks to agree on a national unity government that would end the political power struggle driving Libya's civil war. Should a Government of National Accord be formed in Tripoli, its security would be uncertain as Libya lacks a unified security force that would be loyal to the state alone. This has raised questions in the European Union of whether a foreign stabilisation force may be necessary. Although appetite in European capitals for an intervention appears to be generally low, such a scenario cannot be ruled out altogether. Impacts Despite the UN Envoy's optimism, he must still win over the GNC before a consensus government is formed. A united administration would prefer to avoid a foreign force guarding it, even at the urging of key international actors. In the unlikely event that European troops are involved in such a force, there may be a risk of blowback attacks in Europe.

2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 525-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
VIRGINIA Q. TILLEY

The transnational indigenous peoples' movement (TIPM) can convey important political leverage to local indigenous movements. Yet this study exposes a more problematic impact: the political authority gained by funding organisations who interpolate TIPM norms into new discourses regarding indigeneity, and deploy that discourse in local ethnic contests. In El Salvador the TIPM has encouraged the state to recognise the indigenous communities and has opened a political wedge for indigenous activism. Yet TIPM-inspired programmes by the European Union and UNESCO to support indigenous activism paradoxically weakened the Salvadorean movement by aggravating outside impressions that Salvadorean indigenous communities are ‘not truly Indian’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (35) ◽  
pp. 38-51
Author(s):  
Marţian Iovan

Abstract The author analyzes in this paper principles and ides of philosophy of law issued by Mircea Djuvara, which preserve their contemporaneity, being useful for the perfecting of the state institutions and of the democracy not only at national level, but also at European Union one. His ideas and logical demonstration on the rational fundamentals of law, the autonomy of the moral and legal conscience, the specificity of truth and of juridical knowledge, the philosophical substantiation of power and Constitution, the principles of the democracy and the connections between the political power and the law are just few of the original elements due to which Djuvara became an acknowledged and respected personality not only in Romania, but also in the experts clubs of the Europe between the two World Wars.


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (824) ◽  
pp. 112-117
Author(s):  
Alexander Clarkson

European integration based on a supranational form of pooled sovereignty has taken on increasingly state-like qualities. With every move toward absorbing additional members, the European Union system has expanded its geographic reach. The state-like power of the EU is apparent in the impact its integration processes have had in societies just outside its borders. Its growing influence is most notable in misfit border territories, from Kaliningrad to Transnistria, and from Cyprus to Northern Ireland, that are tenuously under the political control of neighboring geopolitical powers.


2020 ◽  
pp. 000276422098111
Author(s):  
Cristina Del-Castillo-Feito ◽  
Gabriel Cachón-Rodríguez ◽  
Iria Paz-Gil

According to political science, modern societies can separate the state function and the politicians’ mission. However, the existing relationship between political disaffection and state legitimacy indicates the contrary. The interest held by the European Union inhabitants in their politicians has been decreasing, and the closeness to a specific political party or political leader has been weakening. Many European countries have a great degree of polarity in their political parties’ system, which augments the complexity of forming governments or even makes it impossible. Citizens have been affected by corruption, the economic situation, migratory crisis, or the European project weakness. They feel that politicians have forgotten their role as the people’s representatives and their responsibility to behave according to society’s general interest. Through its institutions, the state must ensure the country’s performance and maintain it despite the change in the political leaders. Moreover, its legitimacy will depend on the level of social support received by these institutions. This research aims to quantify if the current political disaffection influences the European Union states’ social support level or state legitimacy. It also expects to demonstrate which sociodemographic and psychographic variables influence on governments’ fragility and the dilution of state legitimacy, which is critical for countries’ stability. For this purpose, we used the available data from the European Social Survey for 2016, and we developed a statistical analysis through variation and regression analysis. The results highlight the strong effect that political disaffection, as well as variables such as religion, immigration perception, citizenship, or emotional state have on state legitimacy and reveal the need for changes in the political parties’ performance and behavior to maintain the countries’ stability.


Significance Unlike the first wave, the government’s reaction to the second wave of COVID-19 was late and tainted by political calculations. Mixed signals from the political establishment and the medical community have undermined people’s trust in and compliance with adopted measures, despite the virus's rapid spread on Czech territory. Impacts The economy is forecast to decline by 8% this year and return to pre-pandemic levels in 2023, a year later than the mid-year forecast. Two separate opposition alliances could form for the 2021 elections, splitting the opposition vote to the advantage of Babis and ANO. The political power struggle is likely to trump looking after public health.


2020 ◽  
pp. 142-152
Author(s):  
Yael Tamir

This chapter discusses the origin of the second kind of nationalism. It analyzes how members of minority nations are lured to question the existing national/political status quo when political power is eroded and the state faces a legitimization crisis. Yet, unlike the nationalism of the vulnerable that seeks to strengthen the nation-state, separatist nationalism wishes to seize the moment and loosen existing political frameworks. The chapter then elaborates the aims of separatism to recruit the support of all fellow nationals and form a cross-class coalition. In this sense, it is an inclusive kind of nationalism that labors to make its reference group as large and prosperous as possible. The chapter then turns to explore the power of utilitarian arguments to determine the construction of future states. Ultimately, it analyzes how the European Union led to the reemergence of small nations' nationalism. The chapter notes that today's separatist nationalism is the nationalism of small affluent nations that were oppressed by the threshold principle and were excluded from the national discourse because of utilitarian considerations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 196 ◽  
pp. 629-677

629Arbitration — Arbitration award — International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (“ICSID”) — ICSID Convention, 1965 — Article 54 — Enforcement proceedings — Arbitration (International Investment Disputes) Act 1966 implementing ICSID Convention in domestic lawRelationship of international law and municipal law — Treaties — ICSID Convention, 1965 — Obligations of the State under ICSID Convention — European Union law — Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union — Article 351 — Duty of sincere co-operation — Whether obligations of the State under EU law interfering with enforcement of an ICSID arbitration awardTreaties — Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union — Article 351 — Obligations of Member States of the European Union — Conflicting treaty obligations — Obligations arising under pre-EU treaties — Obligations arising under EU Treaties themselves — Whether EU Treaties affecting duty of a Member State to respect rights of non-member States under prior agreement — The law of the United Kingdom


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 123-140
Author(s):  
Ryszard Suduł

Author analyses in the article the problem of functioning of the external borders of the Republic of Poland in the Schengen area. The text frames the analysis in the context of the political science. The author discusses the changes in state system of protection of the state border of the Republic of Poland resulting from the integration of the Republic of Poland with the European Union, in particular with the Schengen area. The basic objective of the article is the analysis of the scope and type of organisational and administrative-logistic undertakings in the field of border protection after Poland’s participation in the Schengen Area. The analysis is started with characterisation of changes in the system of management of the state border and the ways of functioning of border services in connection with the accession to the EU were characterised. EU requirements for strengthening border infrastructure and the system of cooperation between institutions responsible for border security were also analysed. As a result, the accession of the Republic of Poland to the Schengen area entailed a complete change in the strategy of managing the state borders.


Author(s):  
Jiří Gregor

This paper provides research on the theme of the political budget cycles. The goal is to find out whether or not the government tries to manipulate the state budget and its components for the purpose of re-election across the countries of the European Union. In order to verify this theory a dynamic panel data model was used. The results were significant, but only if predetermined elections were not counted into the estimations. In that case, the theory of the political budget cycles could be accepted as valid for the EU countries. The main driving force of the political budget cycles across the countries of the European Union is fluctuation of the government expenditures. During the election year, the government expenditures are higher, and a year after the election, government expenditures are lower. This is reflected into the state budget balance.


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