Populism will win whoever triumphs in Croatia poll

Subject Political outlook. Significance Scheduled parliamentary elections take place on November 8. Opinion polls point to a slim victory for the opposition Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the gap with the ruling Social Democratic Party (SDP) having narrowed. A shift in power does not herald any significant change in either the government's effectiveness or policy direction. Like its predecessor, an HDZ-led administration would be weak and beholden to an angry public's whims. Impacts HDZ's lead in the polling has fallen lately, but politics will turn nationalist whoever wins the election. Croatia is on a journey towards Hungarian-style economic nationalism and a more sceptical approach towards the EU. Support is likely to increase for Bosnian Croat attempts to form a third Bosnian entity, contributing to the steady collapse of BiH.

Subject Kyrgyzstan's parliamentary elections. Significance Parliamentary elections held on October 4 resulted in victory for the Social Democratic Party of Kyrgyzstan (SDPK), which is aligned with President Almazbek Atambayev. Overall, the poll ended with a strong showing for pro-Russian parties, while the nationalist opposition, split into two competing coalitions (Respublika-Ata Jurt and Butun Kyrgyzstan-Emgek) faired relatively poorly. Impacts The results have provided the president with a chance of building a more coherent majority in parliament. Coalition-building should be easier than in recent past and thus governability should be enhanced. The strong performance of the SDPK and the Kyrgyzstan Party plays into the hands of Russia.


Subject Public life after local elections. Significance Expectations that public life might get an overdue reform boost have been dashed. The Social Democratic Party (PSD), direct heir of the pre-1989 ruling communists, has enjoyed a major comeback. Having been driven from office by popular anger in 2015, the PSD won a convincing nationwide victory in local elections held in June. With parliamentary elections due by December, the party is now poised to have a central role in shaping Romania's direction. Impacts Restoring political control over the justice system will stimulate corruption which continues to be endemic. Voters are largely pro-Western but demobilised. The economy will suffer as parliament passes pre-election acts that will widen the fiscal deficit.


Subject The October elections in Kyrgyzstan. Significance Parliamentary elections will take place on October 4, after a one-month campaign. Elections in Kyrgyzstan are among the freest in the entire post-Soviet space. In a chronically unstable political landscape, President Almazbek Atambayev's Social-Democratic Party of Kyrgyzstan (SDPK) is expected to win by a landslide. Of the more than 200 parties in the country, 28 have registered to contest the parliamentary polls. Of these, 14 have submitted the required electoral lists and paid the 5-million-som (75,000-dollar) deposit. Impacts Kyrgyzstan's EEU membership will see the country mirror Russian domestic legislation. Tensions between ethnic Uzbeks and Kyrgyz inside Kyrgyzstan may start to grow if the economy falters. The fusion of Butun Kyrgyzstan and Emgek (Labor) makes the new formation the most likely challenger for the president's side.


1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Hugh Bochel

The Social Democratic Party (SDP) was perhaps the nearest thing to a ‘flash’ party seen in British politics in modern times. It was formed in March 1981, largely on the initiative of four leading figures in the Labour party (Roy Jenkins, David Owen, Shirley Williams and William Rogers), following the apparent success of the left in dominating the party, and initially it had a sensational impact on British politics. It had thirty MPs by March 1982 (mostly as a result of defections by Labour MPs); in alliance with the Liberals it immediately went to first place in the opinion polls and stayed in that position until May 1982. The Alliance won four by-elections between 1981 and 1983, and in the 1983 general election, with 25.4 per cent of the vote, came within two points of ousting Labour from its second place. For the next four years the Alliance held its position and in the 1987 election its vote fell only slightly to 22.6 per cent.


Significance The PNL is on the verge of replacing the former communist Social Democratic Party (PSD) in office. The change is more apparent than real. Both wish to lower expectations and anchor politics around the distribution of patronage rather than problem-solving. Impacts Infighting will plague the PSD but its factions may be able to prevent any steep erosion in their main power base at local level. Political disagreements preventing the nomination of an EU commissioner will ensure that EU vigilance towards Romania remains high. The PSD’s departure could boost investor confidence in Romania, badly shaken during the Dragnea period.


Significance Both had been in office since 2006, and Mijalkov was seen as indispensable for his control over the country. Along with Gruevski, both are heavily implicated in the wiretap scandal that Social Democratic Party of Macedonia (SDSM) leader Zoran Zaev has publicised since February. The opposition described the resignations as Gruevski panicking to postpone his own departure, and vowed to continue protests until he resigns. Impacts Macedonia continues to overflow with conspiracy theories about Kumanovo. It is unclear who may have been double-crossing whom -- the government or the 'terrorists' or both. The incident will play into fears of a Greater Albania project to unite all Albanian communities in the Balkans.


Significance The motion will be backed by his former coalition partner, the Union to Save Romania (USR), together with the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the nationalist AUR. Citu recently won the National Liberal Party (PNL) leadership contest. If the no-confidence vote succeeds, as seems likely, President Klaus Iohannis can make two attempts to form a new government. Impacts Romania has Europe’s second-lowest COVID-19 vaccination rate; administrative upheaval may worsen performance further. The main political institutions are fast losing credibility, and this is likely to benefit increasingly influential extreme nationalists. A PNL minority government would prioritise survival over serious reform during its remaining time in power.


Subject The political fallout from anti-government demonstrations. Significance Popular protests unprecedented in size since the restoration of democracy in 1990 have forced a major government retreat. On February 5, Prime Minister Sorin Grindeanu withdrew emergency decrees intended to decriminalise corruption offences and pardon politicians convicted of graft. The ruling Social Democratic Party (PSD) is struggling to adapt to the much-altered political landscape. Impacts Fears that Romania is following an East European pattern where dominant parties dismantle checks and balances will be quieted for now. Iohannis’s boldness in the crisis will make him a strong counterweight to the PSD. Reforms designed to clean up politics will be buttressed by the commitment of Romania’s main Western allies.


Subject The old guard’s resistance to reform. Significance The Social Democratic Party (PSD) and its junior partner, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats (ALDE), have a parliamentary majority but have so far been unable to impose their will. European-minded citizens’ pro-reform agenda is being sustained in the public service and civic and commercial spheres, but is politically fragmented. Impacts Moves to bring the justice system to heel are likely to sharpen criticism from the EU. Vital reforms will be postponed or diluted because of disorder within the political elite and a poor-quality government team. Power struggles will deepen Romania’s peripheral EU status and prevent it responding energetically to domestic and regional challenges.


Significance The incumbent president, Almazbek Atambayev, is stepping aside as his single term is expiring. Jeenbekov is a strong contender as he comes from the president's Social Democratic Party of Kyrgyzstan (SDPK), but other leading politicians have reasonable chances in the October polls. Impacts This will be only the second democratic handover of presidential power anywhere in Central Asia; Atambayev's 2011 election was the first. The SDPK has presided over politics since 2010 but its continued dominance is less certain, although it is adept at coalition-building. Signs of fractures in SDPK and Ata-Jurt point to shifts in the political party landscape, affecting the parliamentary process.


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