Russian church will become more politicised

Subject The Orthodox Church and Russian politics. Significance As the Russian government prepares for September parliamentary elections, it can count on staunch support from the Orthodox Church. The clerical leadership is vocally supportive of President Vladimir Putin, and shares his vision of a separate, conservative Russia. In turn, the church benefits from state beneficence and welcomes Putin's attacks on 'Western' civil liberties. Impacts The church's influence may dilute the appeal of the Communist Party, with overlapping demographics. Church establishment ties to Putin will undermine its credibility among liberal-minded Russians, and some clerics too. Amid economic hardship, church leaders will preach such non-materialistic values as patriotism and traditional family attitudes.

Subject Prospects for Russian politics in 2017 Significance The authority of President Vladimir Putin was tested at home and abroad in 2016. While the economy continued to struggle, he enjoyed successes with the parliamentary elections and his robust interventionism in Syria, where Russia established itself as the key external player. His success abroad has bolstered his domestic popularity.


Subject The sale of the Erdenet mine. Significance The day before parliamentary elections in June last year, Prime Minister Saikhanbileg Chimed announced the sale of 49% of shares held by the Russian government in the Erdenet Mining Corporation and the Mongolrostsvetmet mining company to Mongolia Copper Corporation, an unknown private Mongolian company. Subsequent parliamentary inquiry concluded that the sale was unconstitutional and the government ordered the shares transferred to the state on February 16 this year. The government’s actions received wide public support while polls reveal that the electorate views corruption as the main obstacle to Mongolia’s development Impacts Talk of 'nationalisation' in the Western media threatens to derail Mongolia's efforts to fix its image and attract foreign investors. The unusual circumstances of the sale raise suspicions of corruption and collusion between Mongolia's previous government and largest bank. The new government's will to scrutinise sale demonstrates the strength of Mongolia’s democracy.


Significance The changes enable Vladimir Putin to run for the presidency again in 2024 and 2030, despite his repeated promises not to do so. As the authorities went all-out to secure the right result, the early voting process was less than transparent and there were numerous reports of abuses and fraud on the day. Impacts The key short-term factor for political uncertainty is the duration of the COVID-19 crisis. The Kremlin has deflected blame from itself so far but a deepening health crisis could make this unsustainable. Following claims of vote-rigging, election commission chief Ella Pamfilova may be sacrificed ahead of the parliamentary elections.


2008 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-271
Author(s):  
WALLACE L. DANIEL

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Orthodox Church and the Russian government have sought to restore monasteries, viewing them as key institutions in the regeneration of religion. Novodevichy Monastery in Moscow has historically been one of Russia's most important religious centres and its most famous monastery for women. Returned to the Church in 1994, Novodevichy was administered by Mother Serafima, a remarkable woman whose life covered most of the twentieth century. In reconstructing monastic life, she placed charity at the centre of her endeavours. In her struggles and her efforts to rebuild the ‘sacred canopy’ at Novodevichy is depicted, in microcosmic form, Russia's own quest to recover its heritage and redefine its identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-51
Author(s):  
Pavel Kandel ◽  

Theme of the paper: the confrontation between the government and opposition forces with regard to the parliamentary elections of August 30, 2020. The paper analyzes the factors behind the opposition's first victory through the prism of the thirty year-long period. The author gives credit to the MontenegrinPrimorye Metropolia of the Serbian Orthodox Church, which made a decisive contribution to the defeat of the incumbent authorities, i.e. the politically disoriented President and the government who entered into conflict with the hierarchs through their arrogant and short-sighted monopoly rule. It was precisely the Church circles led by the late Metropolitan Amphilochius who managed to consolidate the ever-quarreling opposition, give them a new promising leader and offer an effective political platform that made the unification of the proEuropean and Pro-Serbian parts of the opposition possible. The paper examines the international reaction to the transfer of power and its internal and foreign policy consequences. Chances of the new Cabinet of experts summoned by Zdravko Krivokapic to complete a full time are not too high. The trouble of the present coalition is not only its slim – by only one Assembly mandate – majority. The majority itself is extremely fragile, since the leaders of the Democratic Front, which forms the core of its pro-Serbian part, do not hide their feeling of being deceived and deprived of the division of trophies. Thereby they consider holding a snap parliamentary election almost a single task of the Cabinet. However, the government is already able to start dismantling the existing authoritarian regime of Milo Djukanovic. As far as its foreign policy is concerned it can be assumed that the new authorities would try to normalize relations with Serbia and Russia, deliberately damaged by Milo Djukanovic, but the fundamentals of the priority relations with the EU and NATO will remain unchanged.


2019 ◽  
pp. 77-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Svitlana Kahamlyk

The topicality of the article is motivated by the present situation of Ukraine under conditions of Russian military and information aggression and of the active spread in the information space of the aggressive concept of the "Russian world". The purpose of the article is to investigate the causes and essence of conflict processes in Ukrainian Orthodoxy, in particular, to analyze the role of the Russian centralism in them in the past and in contemporary realities. It is determined that the causes of conflicts in the sphere of Ukrainian Orthodoxy aч re largely related to the act of ecclesiastical submission to the Moscow Patriarchate in 1686. The situation of Ukraine under conditions of Russian military and informational aggression, in which the church matters also played an important role, refer to the exploration of Russian centralism as a conflict factor for Ukrainian Orthodoxy. The actual character of the issue is also determined by the modern planting in the information space of the aggressive theory of the "Russian world" as well as the necessity to find the ways for consolidation of the Ukrainian society, in particular in the sphere of interconfessional relations. In order to weaken the opposition of the Ukrainian ecclesiastical superiors to imperial centralism, the Russian government deliberately resorted to incitement between the secular and the ecclesiastical elites. Such measures were taken by Empress Anna Ioanovna, who ordered Prince Oleksii Shakhovskyi, the ruler of Little Russia at that time to persuade the Cossack elders secretly to protest against the giving of land possession to the Church. In the same way the Empress Catherine II acted and consciously orientated the ruler of the Little Russia Earl Piotr Rumiantsev to support conflicts between the Ukrainian nobility and clergy according to the principle “divide et impera” (divide and rule). Contemporary Russian information aggression has revealed various forms of propaganda in Ukrainian society, one of which is the project of the “Russian world”. A major point in overcoming the influence of the Russian neoimperial factor in Ukrainian society as well as the contemporary conflicts on the level of Ukrainian Orthodoxy is the development of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine founded a result of the age-old aspirations of Ukrainian society for church unity. The important steps for strengthening if the church unity were outlined by the Bishops' Council of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine convened on December 14, 2019.


Subject Prospects for Russian politics in 2022. Significance Now that the Kremlin has dealt with the immediate domestic policy priorities of constitutional change and parliamentary elections, 2022 will be a year of consolidation and continuity. The administration's focus will be on preparing what it regards as optimal, stable conditions for the presidential election in 2024. The Communist Party has a chance to build popularity among anti-government voters, but may not be bold enough given the Kremlin's limited tolerance for rebellious behaviour.


Subject Managing the parliamentary elections to ensure a win for the ruling party. Significance Elections to the lower house of Russia's parliament, the State Duma, take place in September in what is likely to be a second year of recession. The last elections similarly followed a period of economic crisis, and popular discontent translated into protests in Moscow. This time, conditions are similar, although President Vladimir Putin continues to score well in popularity ratings, owing in large part to an upswing in patriotic feeling driven by Russia's actions in Ukraine and Syria. Impacts United Russia will be bankrolled so that it can outspend the opposition even if its messaging is lacklustre. With global oil prices remaining soft, the economy will struggle and low personal income levels will dent support for United Russia. The major protest risk is that the scattered activities of opposition and single-issue groups begin to coalesce into a larger movement. As the Ukrainian conflict is not such a live issue, there will be less scope for rallying patriotic nationalist resentment around it.


Subject Prospects for Russian politics in 2016. Significance This has been another challenging year for President Vladimir Putin. Russian foreign policy adventures have plunged relations with the West to a new low, the economy continues to struggle and the assassination of Boris Nemtsov has exposed elite-level divisions. However, although the economic situation has forced the Kremlin to restrain budgetary spending, Russia's opposition is weak and demoralised.


Subject Prospects for Russian politics in 2018. Significance With no significant challenge emerging ahead of the March 2018 presidential election, Vladimir Putin is set to win one more term. He will probably run as an independent rather than seek the backing of the United Russia party. A handful of other candidates will be allowed to compete: the heads of three parliamentary parties plus media personality Xenia Sobchak.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document