Argentine immigration reform targets crime concerns

Significance The administration of President Mauricio Macri is pushing the changes for the stated purpose of fighting crime and drug trafficking. Impacts Security-linked initiatives aim to rally voter support ahead of October’s mid-term congressional elections. NGOs are concerned that the measure will be interpreted as suggesting that ‘migrant’ is synonymous with ‘criminal’. The reform will not address crime and corruption issues that limit prospects for curbing illegal immigration and drug trafficking.

Significance The move follows the Senate's failure again yesterday to agree on spending priorities and immigration, the same policy disagreements which prevented a spending deal being passed by midnight on January 19. This has thrown the federal government into its first shutdown since 2013. Impacts Trump's support for "comprehensive immigration reform" may not hold. If US economic growth continues, this may push up illegal immigration, absent security enhancements. Challenges from the state governments over immigration reforms are possible. If Republicans are seen as anti-immigrant, gaining non-traditional constituencies' votes, including minorities, will be hard.


Subject US policy towards Central America. Significance Central America has been a relatively significant part of the Obama administration's engagement with Latin America, due to migration, drug trafficking and gang violence. It brings to the fore issues that are important in the current US presidential campaign, and there are signs that whoever is elected will take a tougher approach to the isthmus. Impacts Mexico will come under continued pressure to secure its southern border. Trump's pledged crackdown on illegal immigration would in practice target Central Americans more than Mexicans. A worsening in human rights abuses is possible across the Northern Triangle countries over the medium term.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 718-731 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Gainous ◽  
Andrew Segal ◽  
Kevin Wagner

Purpose Early information technology scholarship centered on the internet’s potential to be a democratizing force was often framed using an equalization/normalization lens arguing that either the internet was going to be an equalizing force bringing power to the masses, or it was going to be normalized into the existing power structure. The purpose of this paper is to argue that considered over time the equalization/normalization lens still sheds light on our understanding of how social media (SM) strategy can shape electoral success asking if SM are an equalizing force balancing the resource gap between candidates or are being normalized into the modern campaign. Design/methodology/approach SM metrics and electoral data were collected for US congressional candidates in 2012 and 2016. A series of additive and interactive models are employed to test whether the effects of SM reach on electoral success are conditional on levels of campaign spending. Findings The results suggest that those candidates who spend more actually get more utility for their SM campaign than those who spend less in 2012. However, by 2016, spending inversely correlates with SM campaign utility. Research limitations/implications The findings indicate that SM appeared to be normalizing into the modern congressional campaign in 2012. However, with higher rates of penetration and greater levels of usage in 2016, the SM campaign utility was not a result of higher spending. SM may be a greater equalizing force now. Practical implications Campaigns that initially integrate digital and traditional strategies increase the effectiveness of the SM campaign because the non-digital strategy both complements and draws attention to the SM campaign. However, by 2016 the SM campaign was not driven by its relation to traditional campaign spending. Originality/value This is the first large N study to examine the interactive effects of SM reach and campaign spending on electoral success.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-22
Author(s):  
JIN YANG

This study compared the U.S. TV news coverage of Donald Trump’s and Bernie Sanders’ talking points on immigration in the 2016 presidential campaign. Utilizing six common frames on immigration in general and adopting framing’s function approach (which consists of definition, causes and solutions aspects of an issue or a topic under discussion) to illegal immigration, the study content analyzed 153 TV news transcripts. Trump's talking points highlighted the claim that immigrants were dangerous because they brought crimes to U.S., and they had to be deported and borders must be secured. Sanders’ talking points emphasized the idea of a nation of immigrants where even illegal immigrants should be entitled to basic human rights, and immigration reform constituted a better solution. The causes for illegal immigration, however, were largely marginalized in the TV news coverage. Keywords: Framing immigration, framing illegal immigration, framing’s function approach, 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, U.S. TV news coverage of election


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrisia Macías-Rojas

The 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) was a momentous law that recast undocumented immigration as a crime and fused immigration enforcement with crime control (García Hernández 2016; Lind 2016). Among its most controversial provisions, the law expanded the crimes, broadly defined, for which immigrants could be deported and legal permanent residency status revoked. The law instituted fast-track deportations and mandatory detention for immigrants with convictions. It restricted access to relief from deportation. It constrained the review of immigration court decisions and imposed barriers for filing class action lawsuits against the former US Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). It provided for the development of biometric technologies to track “criminal aliens” and authorized the former INS to deputize state and local police and sheriff's departments to enforce immigration law (Guttentag 1997a; Migration News 1997a, 1997b, 1997c; Taylor 1997). In short, it put into law many of the punitive provisions associated with the criminalization of migration today. Legal scholars have documented the critical role that IIRIRA played in fundamentally transforming immigration enforcement, laying the groundwork for an emerging field of “crimmigration” (Morris 1997; Morawetz 1998, 2000; Kanstroom 2000; Miller 2003; Welch 2003; Stumpf 2006). These studies challenged the law's deportation and mandatory detention provisions, as well as its constraints on judicial review. And they exposed the law's widespread consequences, namely the deportations that ensued and the disproportionate impact of IIRIRA's enforcement measures on immigrants with longstanding ties to the United States (ABA 2004). Less is known about what drove IIRIRA's criminal provisions or how immigration came to be viewed through a lens of criminality in the first place. Scholars have mostly looked within the immigration policy arena for answers, focusing on immigration reform and the “new nativism” that peaked in the early nineties (Perea 1997; Jacobson 2008). Some studies have focused on interest group competition, particularly immigration restrictionists’ prohibitions on welfare benefits, while others have examined constructions of immigrants as a social threat (Chavez 2001; Nevins 2002, 2010; Newton 2008; Tichenor 2009; Bosworth and Kaufman 2011; Zatz and Rodriguez 2015). Surprisingly few studies have stepped outside the immigration policy arena to examine the role of crime politics and the policies of mass incarceration. Of these, scholars suggest that IIRIRA's most punitive provisions stem from a “new penology” in the criminal justice system, characterized by discourses and practices designed to predict dangerousness and to manage risk (Feeley and Simon 1992; Miller 2003; Stumpf 2006; Welch 2012). Yet historical connections between the punitive turn in the criminal justice and immigration systems have yet to be disentangled and laid bare. Certainly, nativist fears about unauthorized migration, national security, and demographic change were important factors shaping IIRIRA's criminal provisions, but this article argues that the crime politics advanced by the Republican Party (or the “Grand Old Party,” GOP) and the Democratic Party also played an undeniable and understudied role. The first part of the analysis examines policies of mass incarceration and the crime politics of the GOP under the Reagan administration. The second half focuses on the crime politics of the Democratic Party that recast undocumented migration as a crime and culminated in passage of IIRIRA under the Clinton administration. IIRIRA's criminal provisions continue to shape debates on the relationship between immigration and crime, the crimes that should provide grounds for expulsion from the United States, and the use of detention in deportation proceedings for those with criminal convictions. This essay considers the ways in which the War on Crime — specifically the failed mass incarceration policies — reshaped the immigration debate. It sheds light on the understudied role that crime politics of the GOP and the Democratic Party played in shaping IIRIRA — specifically its criminal provisions, which linked unauthorized migration with criminality, and fundamentally restructured immigration enforcement and infused it with the resources necessary to track, detain, and deport broad categories of immigrants, not just those with convictions.


Significance Protests over state brutality, corruption and rising inequality have become more frequent in recent years and increased in intensity since the oil price has dropped. Impacts Efforts to clamp down on unpopular illegal immigration will have limited success due to Angola's porous borders. Military embarrassments in West Africa will dent appetite for foreign military involvement, releasing capacity for domestic security. Activities in Cabinda could exacerbate tensions with neighbours, where military forces cross the border in pursuit of Congolese miners. Western reports on human rights abuses will have little effect on the regime, which prioritises ties with Russia, China and Brazil.


Subject Despite being situated in one of the world's most notorious drug trafficking regions, Panama enjoys comparative peace and security. Significance Panama is emerging as an outlier in Central America, with homicide rates falling as a result of novel approaches to dealing with gang violence and drug trafficking. This raises questions about whether the country offers lessons that could be applied elsewhere in the region. Impacts Panama will remain at the forefront of international security cooperation. Corruption and public pressure for a tough approach could undermine security gains in Panama. There is little prospect of other Central American countries being able to replicate Panama's security strategy.


Significance Ryan's predecessor, John Boehner, was driven to resign by hardliner members of the House Republican Conference. Party disunity during the Boehner speakership led to legislative gridlock, political brinkmanship and repeated threats of a government shutdown, which occurred in October 2013. A majority of voters blamed the Republicans for the 2013 shutdown and the federal elections in 2016 add a degree of urgency to Ryan's unifying mission in the House. Impacts Ryan will lose political capital in negotiations ahead of the December 11 government shutdown deadline. Inaction on immigration reform in Congress will boost Democrats in the 2016 elections with the Latino vote. Republicans do not seek a greater US role in Syria and Iraq, and will limit themselves to criticism of the White House.


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