Kazakhstan eyes multiple gains from Chinese investment

Subject Kazakhstan's eastward tilt. Significance Kazakhstan has been adept at building ties with Western and East Asian states without upsetting traditional ally Russia. Economic links to China have grown disproportionately in recent years, thanks to Kazakhstan's search for investors, and the opportunities Beijing sees in Central Asia's largest and most advanced state. Efforts to expand trade with Japan and South Korea and attract investment there have had limited success. Impacts Chinese investment activity in Kazakhstan threatens to crowd out other Asian investors. Steep increases in Chinese imports into Kazakhstan will undercut local production. The government will have to manage grassroots fears of Chinese encroachment.

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joon-heon Song

Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore the essential cause for the policy failure of Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) in South Korea. Design/methodology/approach To substantiate the claims made for the failure of the policy, this paper focuses on the differences in policy preferences among the government ministries and agencies involved in TAA. Findings The failure in the TAA policy, according to this study, was attributed to the conflicts and miscoordination arising from the differences in policy preferences among government ministries and agencies. To rectify this failure, the South Korean government had to revise its laws and regulations several times over a short period. Originality/value Drawing on the analytical framework of the literature on policy failure, this paper examines the causal relationships between outcomes of TAA policy and the conflicts or miscoordination among government bodies at each stage: initiatives and planning, implementation and operation of the policy.


Significance They are difficult to defend and therefore a tempting target. Beijing might try to seize them as a way to frighten and demoralise Taiwan's government or as preparation for an assault on Taiwan itself. Impacts A successful attack might embolden China to seize islands claimed by Japan and South-east Asian states. Western sanctions imposed in response to such an attack would be significantly more aggressive than those related to Xinjiang and Hong Kong. Japan would take the possibility of war with China more seriously and strengthen its defence capabilities more vigorously. A weak US response would shake Seoul's confidence in US protection and could make South Korea more likely to develop nuclear weapons.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (7/8) ◽  
pp. 677-693
Author(s):  
Tauchid Komara Yuda

PurposePolitical analyses of the East Asian welfare state development often stress the importance of the power resource model, in which vibrant coalitions between the leftist party, interest groups, civil society and working-class unions have become driving factors in producing generous welfare outcomes. Challenging such analyses, this article discusses the convergence of the political attitude between political actors who are increasingly homogeneous (supportive) when it comes to the universal welfare state notion by focussing on childcare in South Korea.Design/methodology/approachBy using desk review of the peer-reviewed literature and reports, this article investigates the causation for why political parties with different political ideologies were keen on extending childcare programs and its outcome in addressing the existing demographic problems in Korea.FindingsAlthough the collective movement, especially in the 1990s and 2000s, had given important contributions to the early development of childcare in South Korea, more breakthroughs in childcare features were precisely and rapidly developed after politicians from different spectrums of political affiliations converged in their supportive attitude of the universal welfare. The driving factors of political convergence itself are not merely due to electoral competition or political activism; furthermore, it can be linked to the increased global institution involvement in domestic policy with extensive permeability, which, have ruined domestic policy development maintained for ideological reasoning and bring in more popular policy setting.Originality/valueThis article contributes to the growing literature on the political aspect of East Asian social policy studies, which goes beyond the traditional power resource analysis and makes a novel contribution to the childcare policy studies.


Significance Inbound and outbound Asian tourism has exploded over the last 20 years, especially in East and South East Asia. However, the sector faces challenges. Impacts Supporting tourism, Asia hosts three Olympics in a row -- South Korea 2018 (winter games), Tokyo 2020 (summer) and Beijing 2022 (winter). Tourism is a key source of exports and dollars; if Cambodia is hit by sanctions after its disputed election, tourism could cushion GDP. In ten years the UN sees India's population overtaking China's, making Indian travellers key to East and South-east Asian tourism.


Subject India's new policy on FDI and its impact on Chinese investment. Significance India last month introduced stricter rules for investment from bordering countries, saying it wanted to prevent “opportunistic” takeovers and acquisitions at a time when the COVID-19 pandemic is bringing down the share value of major Indian companies. The move, notified under the Foreign Exchange Management Act, was almost certainly made with China in mind. China is one of India’s fastest-growing sources of foreign direct investment (FDI). Impacts Chinese manufacturers will favour investment in certain South-east Asian countries rather than India in the short term. India may fast-track Chinese investment in infrastructure while putting those in fintech under greater scrutiny. Once the pandemic crisis dissipates, India will roll out ambitious plans to attract foreign factories relocating from China.


Subject Uzbekistan-South Korea ties. Significance Uzbekistan wants to reduce its reliance on Russia by expanding ties to Asia, but without risking becoming over-dependent on China, as it sees Turkmenistan has become. Uzbekistani President Islam Karimov's visit to South Korea in May paved the way for cooperation with Seoul in new areas such as logistics, energy infrastructure, construction and defence. These all represent areas of increasing connections between Central and East Asian nations. Impacts Sixty agreements were signed during Karimov's visit to Seoul worth more than 7.7 billion dollars. These will provide a boost to President Park Geun-Hye's Eurasia Initiative. South Korea will seek to strengthen its position in Central Asia ahead of China's 'New Silk Road' initiative.


Significance This follows the June 23 'Brexit' referendum, in which 52% of those voting called for the government to organise the United Kingdom's exit from the EU. The vote and subsequent leadership transition pose a foreign policy watershed. Impacts South-east Asian states will seek trade deals with the post-Brexit United Kingdom. The diplomatic importance of UK defence and intelligence aid to South-east Asia will grow. France may become more important for the EU to project its influence in South-east Asia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-75
Author(s):  
Dong-Jin Lim ◽  
Kyung Deuk Kwon

Purpose This paper aims to identify and explore the overall frequency and characteristics of policy conflicts, with a focus upon those factors affecting conflict resolutions in South Korea. Design/methodology/approach The study uses data from cases of conflict from the Korean Public Policy Conflict Database (KPPCDB) (1948-2014). For the analysis of data, chi-squared test and multinomial logistic regression are used. Findings The findings show a total of 2,030 policy conflicts in 1948-2014, most of which were conflicts of interest (47.9 per cent). More than 70 per cent (71.2 per cent) were policy conflicts between the government and the private sector; the field with the most policy conflicts was regional development (21.0 per cent), and 84.1 per cent of all policy conflicts were resolved. The factors that affected conflict resolution by interest were conflicts between the government and private sector, authoritarian government, national regions and capital areas. Practical implications This paper suggests reforming the current procedures of conflict management, adopting alternative dispute resolutions, and developing a social-consensus-building process for efficiently resolving conflicts. Originality/value This study built a database (KPPCDB) examining 66 years of conflict cases that took place between 1948, the year the Korean Government was established, and 2014. This database covers all cases of policy conflicts that occurred in Korea and provides a comprehensive understanding of the phenomena of policy conflicts and conflict resolution.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 266-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jongho Roh

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to review the current performance management system of the South Korean Government and make recommendations for improvements to its institutional, operational, and value dimensions. Design/methodology/approach Based on a literature review, the government performance management system in South Korea is analyzed according to its institutional, operational, and value dimensions. Findings The Korean Government’s performance management system has developed distinct features such as strong political leadership, diversity in types of performance evaluation, the institutional involvement of civilian experts, and a mutually cooperative system among agencies tasked with efficient performance management. This paper concludes that the government performance management system requires further improvement in its institutional, operational, and value dimensions. Originality/value The paper provides scholars and policy makers concerned with government performance management, with diverse perspectives and suggested areas for improvement.


Significance A Thai court blocked the order on August 6, but the government is expected to push back forcefully. This comes as South-east Asian governments struggle to contain disinformation on COVID-19, which is fuelling vaccine hesitancy and thwarting attempts to contain the virus. Impacts Forthcoming elections in some of the region's countries will boost the use of disinformation. Rising support for Western over Chinese vaccines will fuel anti-China sentiment online and possibly violence against ethnic Chinese. Disinformation on COVID-19 by Islamic State and local jihadists, particularly in Indonesia, raises the risk of terrorist attacks.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document