Bolivia's business elites have shifted to Morales

Subject Government-business relations. Significance President Evo Morales’s government has established a collaborative working relationship with the country’s most powerful business elites that belies its leftist rhetoric. This is based on an understanding that while government offers large corporate interests favourable economic conditions, business groups will refrain from conspiring against the government in the political sphere. Thus, the government has managed to minimise the sort of pro-regional tensions that characterised its first term in office (2006-10), driving a wedge between economic and political elites. Impacts The economic policies pursued by the Morales administration will continue to prove, broadly, good for business. Smaller-scale businesses have been less beneficially treated, but lack political lobbying power. Avoidance of strife with the more powerful business groups will continue to help underpin political stability.

Significance The leading candidates for the presidential contest set out their agendas at the annual meeting of business executives (CADE) on December 3-4. The campaign, aggressive and personalised, had so far lacked policy substance. With each candidate supporting the continuance of business-friendly economic policies and backing measures to clamp down on public insecurity and corruption, they were at pains to distinguish themselves one from another. The dispersion of parties and candidates still makes a second round likely. Impacts With the political focus increasingly on the election, support for the government may recover slightly over the next six months. The main thrust of campaigning will remain highly personalised. The lack of any strong party system means that the mass media will play a decisive role in shaping voter preferences. The left, lacking funding and organisation, is unlikely to flourish.


Significance Jockeying ahead of the elections has stalled decision-making on critical economic policies. While the political class is mired in internal debate, citizens are growing increasingly angry at politicians they hold responsible for deteriorating economic conditions. Impacts Political infighting will further alienate Tunisians leading to low voter turnout. Labour unions will attempt to influence political outcomes by organising (or threatening to call) strikes. Nidaa Tounes and leftist parties may stoke identity and security issues to attack their opponents and mobilise voters.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Mendes Loureiro ◽  
Alfredo Saad-Filho

Under favorable external circumstances, the pragmatic political and economic strategy of Brazil’s Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) helped to secure short-term political stability, boosted growth, and supported an unprecedented distribution of income. However, it also meant that the PT had to accommodate to rather than transform the constraints on growth in Brazil and that stability would involve unwieldy political alliances preventing deeper reforms. When it was confronted with deteriorating global economic conditions and increasingly ineffectual economic policies, the PT’s strategy immobilized the party, facilitated the dissolution of its base of support, and expedited its ouster from power. The Brazilian experience suggests that political pragmatism can, within limits, support progressive economic change but that the outcomes depend heavily on external circumstances and the stability of the political coalitions supporting the administration. Em circunstâncias externas favoráveis, a pragmática estratégia política e econômica do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) ajudou a assegurar a estabilidade política no curto prazo, impulsionou o crescimento e apoiou uma distribuição de renda sem precedentes. No entanto, isso também significou que o PT teve que se acomodar a, em vez de transformar, as restrições ao crescimento no Brasil, e que a estabilidade envolveria alianças políticas comprometedoras, impedindo reformas mais profundas. Quando foi confrontada com a deterioração das condições econômicas globais e apresentando políticas econômicas cada vez mais ineficazes, a estratégia do PT imobilizou o partido, facilitou a dissolução de sua base de apoio e acelerou sua saída do poder. A experiência brasileira sugere que o pragmatismo político pode, dentro de certos limites, apoiar a mudança econômica progressista, mas que os resultados dependem muito das circunstâncias externas e da estabilidade das coalizões políticas que apóiam a administração.


Subject The effect of the sacking of the central bank governor. Significance The Algerian cabinet decided on May 31 to replace the long-serving governor of the central bank, Mohammed Laksaci, with Mohammed Loukal, the CEO of the government-owned Exterior Bank of Algeria. The cabinet did not explain the decision, which was issued in the name of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, but the governor had come under criticism from political figures because of the sharp depreciation of the Algerian dinar, and the erosion of foreign exchange reserves. Impacts Loukal will come under pressure to ease import controls, while defending the dinar. Given weak external accounts, further depreciation of the dinar on the black market is likely, along with further erosion of reserves. The government will soon need to resort to international borrowing, which will bring fresh scrutiny of its economic policies. The central bank governor sacking is most likely related to the political struggles within the establishment on who will succeed Bouteflika.


2021 ◽  
pp. 22
Author(s):  
Liudmila Nikolaeva

The article deals with the political crisis which takes place in Nicaragua while the date on the general elections is nearing. The authors make an analysis of its causes and the possible outcomes for D. Ortega`s regime. They come to the conclusion that a lot of grave contradictions had piled up in the society. In April 2018 those contradictions burst out turning to mass protests and brutal clashes in the streets. The situation has been influenced by the worsening of some outside economic conditions, end of the partnership between the government and business elites and negative consequences of COVID-19 pandemia. The authors intend to foretell how the situation will be developing. They deem Ortega is firm in his decision to keep holding the power and he will make use of every means at his disposal to achieve this purpose.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.


Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.


Significance The region’s current tax and spending policies redistribute very little. The COVID-19 pandemic brought a deep and persistent recession, despite new spending, tax cuts and monetary easing aimed at limiting the damage. In December, the government of Argentina, which was particularly hard hit, passed a temporary (and additional) net wealth tax on the very richest households. Impacts OECD-led transparency efforts offer the long-sought possibility of taxing the foreign assets of wealthy Latin Americans. The pandemic will increase both existing inequalities and the need for tax revenues to finance social welfare and stimulus spending. Efforts to strengthen tax collection more broadly will likely be undertaken by governments across the political spectrum.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saptorini Listianingsih

This study uses van Dijk’s version of Critical Discourse Analysis perspective to examine the news construction of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia’s disbandment in two online newspapers. The two online newspapers used in this study are the Jakarta Post and Jakarta Globe. From the analysis, it shows us that based on textual analysis, the government and HTI are portrayed as two opposing parties. The government is described as ruling regime having authority to maintain national interests that is Pancasila as well as national unity, diversity, and security, while HTI is described as the organization against national interest. Thus, the disbandment of HTI is a correct step to defend national interests. This is in accordance with the developing discourse in society that the existence of HTI is considered to endanger Pancasila. Furthermore, this research revealed that the history, vision mission, previous experience and the political interest of special political elites in media has had decisive influence in transforming reality into news texts.


Significance The government is nevertheless shaken. Protests were triggered by severe economic hardship, and reflect a loss of public confidence that the government can improve matters. The state’s repressive response has led to expressions of disconformity from individuals hitherto loyal to the system, which may signal emerging fissures within the ruling elite. Impacts Piecemeal reforms, announced to appease protesters, will do little to improve Cubans’ lives. Sweeping reforms are unlikely as they would strain elite cohesion. Diaz-Canel’s handling of the crisis illustrates the limitations of his authority. Perceptions of elite unity, long key to political stability, are now problematic, offering little flexibility or hope of change.


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