Washington will get tougher with China in Asia

Significance The informal dialogue normally acts as a pressure valve for major powers in the Asia-Pacific, but this meeting perhaps unintentionally worsened US-China trade and security tensions, US-North Korea denuclearisation-related frictions and the Japan-South Korea controversy over war reparations, since the meeting came in a week of occurrences that denoted high regional tension. Impacts Washington will still need Chinese (and other countries’) support in its rapprochement push with North Korea. Washington will expand cooperation with fellow Quad countries Australia, India and Japan in the Asia-Pacific. Involvement of out-of-region states and high-profile international issues could weaken ASEAN efficiency in tackling ASEAN issues. This ARF meeting will help warm US-Thai relations, with further such moves likely at the East Asia Summit this November, also in Thailand.

Subject A possible second Trump-Kim summit. Significance Vietnam last week said it had not been told about the timing or location of a possible second summit between US President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un but that it was confident it could host such an event. Washington earlier in January announced that a summit would be held in February, following landmark talks between Trump and Kim in Singapore last year. Impacts A summit in Vietnam would provide Trump with a distraction from investigations into his alleged links with Russia. The summit would bolster ASEAN’s claims to be crucial to promoting peace and security in the ‘Indo-Pacific’. A successful Trump-Kim meeting would be welcomed by Beijing but would not influence US-China trade talks. Trump would be unlikely to travel to South-east Asia for a second time this year to attend the East Asia Summit in Thailand in November.


Subject Japan-South Korea relations. Significance Japan-South Korea relations have global significance. The two are East Asia’s largest and second-largest advanced economies and play a vital role in the economy of the Asia-Pacific region, including in the creation of large free trade areas. Their relationship also affects security issues related to North Korea. Impacts The shared threat from North Korea and the alliances both governments have with Washington will force a degree of cooperation. Intractable political and psychological issues related to history will impede cooperation indefinitely. Bilateral economic ties will remain large-scale and important for both sides, but gradually become less so.


Significance Japan is viewed by ASEAN states as the most constructive player among the major powers. China is seen as aggressive and the United States as unreliable under President Donald Trump. Impacts Suga is unlikely to remain in office for more than a year. Post-pandemic economic recovery in Japan will be slow due to weak demand for its manufactured goods at home and abroad. China’s stance over the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands and the missile threat from North Korea will be Tokyo’s top security concerns.


Significance Last week, Pyongyang and Kuala Lumpur imposed travel bans against each other’s citizens following the February 13 murder in Malaysia of Kim Jong-nam, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un’s half-brother. South-east Asia has worked to integrate North Korea into the Asia-Pacific region through the ASEAN dialogue process. However, Pyongyang’s missile launch into the Sea of Japan on March 6 is likely to have greater impact on South-east Asian views of North Korea than Malaysia's diplomatic spat over Kim Jong-nam. Impacts Likely North Korean efforts to expand trade with South-east Asia will see limited success. The Kim Jong-nam murder and China’s position may add further strain to the Philippines-US relationship. South-east Asian states are unlikely to support China’s wish to punish South Korea economically for deploying the THAAD system.


Subject Laos/US diplomatic ties. Significance Ahead of US President Barack Obama's planned visit to the 2016 East Asia Summit in Laos, Washington is boosting its high-level diplomacy with Vientiane. In the past two months, US Assistant Secretary of State Danny Russel hosted the sixth annual Laos-US Strategic Dialogue; US Ambassador to ASEAN Nina Hachician visited to confer on Laos's 2016 ASEAN chairmanship; and Second Lady Jill Biden led a delegation to Vientiane on women's empowerment and civil society. These visits further the US 'Asia pivot' and lay the groundwork to challenge China's influence over Laos and the wider Mekong region including Cambodia and Myanmar. Impacts Generational changes in Lao politics will unfold from April 2016. Vientiane will diversify its diplomatic contacts. Possible US trade preferences may hasten Lao labour reforms. Japan, South Korea and Vietnam will also challenge China in Laos.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yongjoo Choi ◽  
Yugo Kanaya ◽  
Seung-Myung Park ◽  
Atsushi Matsuki ◽  
Yasuhiro Sadanaga ◽  
...  

Abstract. The black carbon (BC) and carbon monoxide (CO) emission ratios were estimated and compiled from long-term, harmonized observations of the ΔBC∕ΔCO ratios under conditions unaffected by wet deposition at four sites in East Asia, including two sites in South Korea (Baengnyeong and Gosan) and two sites in Japan (Noto and Fukuoka). Extended spatio-temporal coverage enabled estimation of the full seasonality and elucidation of the emission ratio in North Korea for the first time. The estimated ratios were used to validate the Regional Emission inventory in ASia (REAS) version 2.1 based on six study domains (“East China”, “North China”, “Northeast China”, South Korea, North Korea, and Japan). We found that the ΔBC∕ΔCO ratios from four sites converged into a narrow range (6.2–7.9 ng m−3 ppb−1), suggesting consistency in the results from independent observations and similarity in source profiles over the regions. The BC∕CO ratios from the REAS emission inventory (7.7 ng m−3 ppb−1 for East China – 23.2 ng m−3 ppb−1 for South Korea) were overestimated by factors of 1.1 for East China to 3.0 for South Korea, whereas the ratio for North Korea (3.7 ng m−3 ppb−1 from REAS) was underestimated by a factor of 2.0, most likely due to inaccurate emissions from the road transportation sector. Seasonal variation in the BC∕CO ratio from REAS was found to be the highest in winter (China and North Korea) or summer (South Korea and Japan), whereas the measured ΔBC∕ΔCO ratio was the highest in spring in all source regions, indicating the need for further characterization of the seasonality when creating a bottom-up emission inventory. At levels of administrative districts, overestimation in Seoul, the southwestern regions of South Korea, and Northeast China was noticeable, and underestimation was mainly observed in the western regions in North Korea, including Pyongyang. These diagnoses are useful for identifying regions where revisions in the inventory are necessary, providing guidance for the refinement of BC and CO emission rate estimates over East Asia.


Significance It also benefits from policies that heavily favour the domestic arms industry. This has resulted in a well-equipped modern military and a high degree of self-reliance in equipping it. However, this model may be unsustainable. Impacts Seoul will likely attempt to expand armaments collaboration with other countries to gain additional resources, technologies and markets. China’s military modernisation is an increasing concern, including in the context of potential war with China’s ally, North Korea. Threats from North Korea make air and missile defence the top procurement priorities.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yongjoo Choi ◽  
Yugo Kanaya ◽  
Seung-Myung Park ◽  
Atsushi Matsuki ◽  
Yasuhiro Sadanaga ◽  
...  

Abstract. The BC/CO emission ratios were estimated and compiled from long-term, harmonized observations of the ΔBC/ΔCO ratios under conditions unaffected by wet deposition at four sites in East Asia, including two sites in Korea (Baengnyeong and Gosan) and two sites in Japan (Noto and Fukuoka). Extended spatio-temporal coverage enabled estimation of full seasonality and elucidation of the emission ratio in North Korea, for the first time. The estimated ratios were used to validate the Regional Emission inventory in Asia (REAS) version 2.1 based on six study domains (East China, North China, Northeast China, South Korea, North Korea, and Japan). We found that the ΔBC/ΔCO ratios from four sites converged into a narrow range (6.2–7.9 ng m−3 ppb−1), suggesting consistency in the results from independent observations and similarity in source profiles over the regions. The BC/CO ratios from the REAS emission inventory (7.7 ng m−3 ppb−1 for East China – 23.2 ng m−3 ppb−1 for South Korea) were overestimated by factors of 1.1 for East China to 3.0 for South Korea, whereas the ratio for North Korea (3.7 ng m−3 ppb−1 from REAS) was underestimated by a factor of 2.0, most likely due to inaccurate emissions from the road transportation sector. Seasonal variation in the BC/CO ratio from REAS was found to be the highest in winter (China and North Korea) or summer (South Korea and Japan), whereas the measured ΔBC/ΔCO ratio was highest in spring in all source regions, indicating the need for further characterization of seasonality when creating a bottom-up emission inventory. At levels of administrative districts, overestimation in Seoul, the southwest regions of South Korea, and Northeast China was noticeable, and underestimation was mainly observed in the western regions in North Korea, including Pyongyang. These diagnoses are useful for identifying the regions where revisions in the inventory are necessary, providing guidance for refinement of BC and CO emission rate estimates over East Asia.


Author(s):  
Andrew Yeo

Chapter 4 describes the rising phenomena of East Asian regionalism in the wake of the Asian financial crisis and demonstrates how debates between inclusive and exclusive variations of Asian regionalism played out in the development of the regional architecture. The chapter traces the establishment of the ASEAN Plus Three, the East Asia Summit, and the Six-Party Talks. Taken together, these three institutions signified greater political will behind regional multilateralism but also revealed the contentious nature of institution building. The discussion of multilateral developments is juxtaposed to an analysis of the US–South Korea and US-Thailand alliances, and their resilience in an era of greater multilateralism and expanding regionalism.


Significance Inbound and outbound Asian tourism has exploded over the last 20 years, especially in East and South East Asia. However, the sector faces challenges. Impacts Supporting tourism, Asia hosts three Olympics in a row -- South Korea 2018 (winter games), Tokyo 2020 (summer) and Beijing 2022 (winter). Tourism is a key source of exports and dollars; if Cambodia is hit by sanctions after its disputed election, tourism could cushion GDP. In ten years the UN sees India's population overtaking China's, making Indian travellers key to East and South-east Asian tourism.


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