Crises could dash Niger government’s election hopes

Significance Official campaigning may take place only 21 days before the elections. His tour comes against the backdrop of military procurement corruption revelations, a deteriorating regional security environment and the COVID-19 epidemic. Impacts Bazoum has been the president’s right-hand man and a trusted ally of Paris and Washington on security; they will want to see him elected. As a member of the small Arab minority, Bazoum's election could cause ethnic shake-ups in Nigerien politics. Competition for the presidency will heighten with the entry of army leader Salou Djibo, whose 2010 coup restored democracy.

Significance In different ways, all will experience significant economic damage and political consequences, ranging from the standing of incumbent leaders to changes in the regional security environment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 227-239
Author(s):  
Radoslav IVANČÍK ◽  
Pavel NEČAS

This paper presents the ongoing research and, deals, in the framework of interdisciplinary scientific research, with various military and non-military threats and their negative impact on the security of contemporary human society. In this research, the authors point out the continuous deterioration of the global and regional security environment and the growth of symmetric and asymmetric security threats with focus on the air transport, and the resulting negative consequences for the security of the states and their citizens. In order to contribute to the development of security science, the authors examine the issues of terrorism as an asymmetric security threat, focusing in particular on terrorism and terrorist activities of the air transport and measures taken to eliminate terrorism in the airspace.


Author(s):  
Timothy Doyle ◽  
Dennis Rumley

In this chapter we argue that one of the principal inhibitors of sustainable security and stability in the Indo-Pacific region is that the Cold War has yet to end. Strategic concepts and postures reflecting containment, ‘constrainment’, sphere of influence, expansionism, and territorial competition still inhabit the rhetoric not just of the regional security environment. Regional strategies can therefore be interpreted within the framework of Cold War ‘logic’, thus impeding regional security cooperation. The ‘old’ Cold War has thus been perpetuated, reinforced, and reinterpreted as a ‘new’ Cold War due to geopolitical competition over global and regional primacy. Even within this process of geopolitical competition, old geopolitical concepts such as ‘pivot’ and ‘Indo-Pacific’ have also been reinterpreted and reused to justify new strategies that ultimately continue to foster a new Cold War in the region. Indeed, the Indo-Pacific has returned as a central element of the new Cold War.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (11) ◽  
pp. 4130-4141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdulmajeed Mohamad ◽  
Mikhail A. Sheremet ◽  
Jan Taler ◽  
Paweł Ocłoń

Purpose Natural convection in differentially heated enclosures has been extensively investigated due to its importance in many industrial applications and has been used as a benchmark solution for testing numerical schemes. However, most of the published works considered uniform heating and cooling of the vertical boundaries. This paper aims to examine non-uniform heating and cooling of the mentioned boundaries. The mentioned case is very common in many electronic cooling devices, thermal storage systems, energy managements in buildings, material processing, etc. Design/methodology/approach Four cases are considered, the left-hand wall’s temperature linearly decreases along the wall, while the right-hand wall’s temperature is kept at a constant, cold temperature. In the second case, the left-hand wall’s temperature linearly increases along the wall, while the right-hand wall’s temperature is kept a constant, cold temperature. The third case, the left-hand wall’s temperature linearly decreases along the wall, while the right-hand wall’s temperature linearly increases along the wall. In the fourth case, the left-hand and the right-hand walls’ temperatures decrease along the wall, symmetry condition. Hence, four scenarios of natural convection in enclosures were covered. Findings It has been found that the average Nusselt number of the mentioned cases is less than the average Nusselt number of the uniformly heated and cooled enclosure, which reflects the physics of the problem. The work quantifies the deficiency in the rate of the heat transfer. Interestingly one of the mentioned cases showed two counter-rotating horizontal circulations. Such a flow structure can be considered for passively, highly controlled mechanism for species mixing processes application. Originality/value Previous works assumed that the vertical boundary is subjected to a constant temperature or to a sinusoidal varying temperature. The subject of the work is to examine the effect of non-uniformly heating and/or cooling vertical boundaries on the rate of heat transfer and flow structure for natural convection in a square enclosure. The temperature either linearly increases or decreases along the vertical coordinate at the boundary. Four scenarios are explored.


2015 ◽  
Vol 01 (04) ◽  
pp. 573-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhexin Zhang

Facing increasing challenges to regional peace and stability, yet feeling isolated in several key security mechanisms in the Asia-Pacific, China has been taking active measures to improve its security environment and to foster a new regional security architecture based on the “New Asian Security Concept,” in order to achieve a lasting and commonly beneficial collective security order in the region. Though no official blueprint has been established by the Chinese government, one can expect China to push forward an all-inclusive and comprehensive platform as the core of the new architecture which features collective security driven by major powers based on their consulted consensus. Yet China will not seek to build a completely new Asia-Pacific security architecture to replace the old one. Instead, it is taking a pragmatic and incremental approach to shape the necessary environment for the evolution of the old architecture into a more inclusive and balanced one. If Sino-U.S. relations can be well managed and China continues to project its growing power in a refrained and contributive way to provide more public goods for regional peace and development, then it is hopeful that a new regional security architecture will take shape in the coming decades.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Kozłowski

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze the perspectives of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Belt and Road strategy. The challenge in terms of studying the New Silk Road concept comes from the fact of dramatic difference between the declared ambitions of the Chinese state and the elusive character of concrete Chinese involvement, in particular as far as the digital dimension of the strategy is concerned. Design/methodology/approach The goal will be achieved by comparing the Chinese expansion in the Post-Soviet Central Asia with nowadays declarations concerning the digital version of the New Silk Road. For China, the Post-Soviet Central Asia was the first frontier approached on the basis of genuinely own integration strategy: the New Silk Road Diplomacy, which later evolved into the New Silk Road concept. An overview of Chinese activity in the region tells a lot about its grand strategy of today. Findings To paraphrase T.S. Kuhn, what one sees depends on not only what one is looking at but also what one has learned to notice. The Post-Soviet Central Asia shows the way Beijing thinks about integration. PRC achieved the most by basing on the free rider effect: concentrating on economic expansion, while other Powers provided relative regional security and stability. Originality/value The comparison of the beginnings of the New Silk Diplomacy in the 1990s with the plans of the New Digital Road gives a unique angle to grasp the specific features of the Chinese approach to international integration.


2008 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Paul Kapur

The tenth anniversary of India's and Pakistan's 1998 nuclear tests enables scholars to revisit the issue of South Asian proliferation with a decade of hindsight. What lessons do the intervening years hold regarding nuclear weapons' impact on South Asian security? Some scholars claim that nuclear weapons had a beneficial effect during this period, helping to stabilize historically volatile Indo-Pakistani relations. Such optimistic analyses of proliferation's regional security impact are mistaken, however. Nuclear weapons have had two destabilizing effects on the South Asian security environment. First, nuclear weapons' ability to shield Pakistan against all-out Indian retaliation, and to attract international attention to Pakistan's dispute with India, encouraged aggressive Pakistani behavior. This, in turn, provoked forceful Indian responses, ranging from large-scale mobilization to limited war. Although the resulting Indo-Pakistani crises did not lead to nuclear or full-scale conventional conflict, such fortunate outcomes were not guaranteed and did not result primarily from nuclear deterrence. Second, these Indo-Pakistani crises led India to adopt a more aggressive conventional military posture toward Pakistan. This development could exacerbate regional security-dilemma dynamics and increase the likelihood of Indo-Pakistani conflict in years to come. Thus nuclear weapons not only destabilized South Asia in the first decade after the nuclear tests; they may damage the regional security environment well into the future.


Significance Instability in Libya has exacerbated an already fraught security environment in the Maghreb and the Sahel. Several militant groups co-exist in these parts, usually in competition with each other. The Islamic State group (ISG) has taken centre stage, but despite high profile attacks in Libya, it has failed to establish a foothold in other Maghreb countries. Impacts ISG encroachment in Libya will strengthen calls for international action to address Libya's crisis. Sporadic attacks are expected against security forces and government targets in Tunisia and Algeria. Government pressure and expanded counterterrorism operations could cause more widespread abuses of human rights. Fighters returning from jihad in Syria and Iraq could bolster the capabilities of local jihadist cells.


Subject Outlook for Nordic-NATO defence cooperation. Significance The Russian intervention in Ukraine and assertive stance against NATO -- particular in the Baltic Sea region -- has pushed the Nordic countries of Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden to reassess their defence and security policies in order to be better prepared to manage crises and deter aggression in northern Europe. This constitutes a sharp change in strategic outlook, as the Nordic-Baltic region has been characterised by low tensions, stability and continued economic and political integration since the end of the Cold War. Impacts Nordic participation in multilateral international operations may wane as their defence focus shifts to the Baltic region. Scandinavian procurement programmes present commercial opportunities to defence and aerospace firms. Prioritising bilateral security arrangements may fragment a unified US-Nordics approach to regional security. Closer security ties with the West are likely to compromise Scandinavia's negotiating position with Moscow on other issues.


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