The New ‘Multiplex’ Cold War in the Indo-Pacific

Author(s):  
Timothy Doyle ◽  
Dennis Rumley

In this chapter we argue that one of the principal inhibitors of sustainable security and stability in the Indo-Pacific region is that the Cold War has yet to end. Strategic concepts and postures reflecting containment, ‘constrainment’, sphere of influence, expansionism, and territorial competition still inhabit the rhetoric not just of the regional security environment. Regional strategies can therefore be interpreted within the framework of Cold War ‘logic’, thus impeding regional security cooperation. The ‘old’ Cold War has thus been perpetuated, reinforced, and reinterpreted as a ‘new’ Cold War due to geopolitical competition over global and regional primacy. Even within this process of geopolitical competition, old geopolitical concepts such as ‘pivot’ and ‘Indo-Pacific’ have also been reinterpreted and reused to justify new strategies that ultimately continue to foster a new Cold War in the region. Indeed, the Indo-Pacific has returned as a central element of the new Cold War.

2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 775-792 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW PEPPER

This article explores whether or to what extent the contemporary espionage novel is able to map and interrogate transformations in the post-9/11 security environment. It asks how well a form or genre of writing, typically handcuffed to the machinations and demands of the Cold War and state sovereignty, is able to adapt to a new security environment characterized by strategies of “risk assessment” and “resilience-building” and by modes or regimes of power not reducible to, or wholly controlled by, the state. In doing so, it thinks about the capacities of this type of fiction for “resisting” the formations of power it wants to make visible and is partly complicit with.


Subject Outlook for Nordic-NATO defence cooperation. Significance The Russian intervention in Ukraine and assertive stance against NATO -- particular in the Baltic Sea region -- has pushed the Nordic countries of Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden to reassess their defence and security policies in order to be better prepared to manage crises and deter aggression in northern Europe. This constitutes a sharp change in strategic outlook, as the Nordic-Baltic region has been characterised by low tensions, stability and continued economic and political integration since the end of the Cold War. Impacts Nordic participation in multilateral international operations may wane as their defence focus shifts to the Baltic region. Scandinavian procurement programmes present commercial opportunities to defence and aerospace firms. Prioritising bilateral security arrangements may fragment a unified US-Nordics approach to regional security. Closer security ties with the West are likely to compromise Scandinavia's negotiating position with Moscow on other issues.


1995 ◽  
Vol 142 ◽  
pp. 317-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Mohan Malik

In September 1993, China and India signed an agreement “to maintain peace and tranquillity” along their disputed Himalayan border. This agreement between the two Asian giants – which required both sides to respect the Line of Actual Control (LAC), that is to maintain the status quo pending a peaceful, final boundary settlement and to reduce military forces along the border in accordance with the principle of “mutual and equal security” – has been described as a “landmark agreement” and “a significant step forward” in their uneasy relations since the 1950s. It was a logical culmination of a series of developments since the late 1980s, especially the visit of India's Premier to Beijing in 1988 and the reciprocal visit of China's Premier to New Delhi in 1991; the end of the Cold War and the bipolar system following the Soviet collapse; the consequent dramatic changes in the global strategic environment; and the overall improvement in bilateral relations between China and India.However, the fact that Sino-Indian relations today seem to be better than at any time during the last four decades should not lead one to assume that all the hurdles in the relationship have been overcome. This article examines the factors underlying the current détente, and analyses Indian and Chinese perspectives on their bilateral relations as well as the wider post-Cold War Asian security environment. It concludes that a thaw in Sino-Indian relations notwithstanding, the two sides are poised for rivalry for regional dominance and influence in the multipolar world of the 21st century.


Daedalus ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 145 (4) ◽  
pp. 50-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Robert Kehler

While nuclear weapons were conceived to end a war, in the aftermath of their operational use at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, they became the central (and controversial) means to prevent a war. Nuclear deterrence formed the foundation of U.S. Cold War doctrine and the basis of an extended security guarantee to our allies. But the Cold War ended one-quarter century ago, and questions about the efficacy of deterrence, the need for nuclear weapons, and the ethics surrounding them have resurfaced as some call for further major reductions in inventory or the complete elimination of the U.S. nuclear arsenal. Discussed from the perspective of a military practitioner, this essay highlights the continuing need for U.S. nuclear weapons in a global security environment that is highly complex and uncertain, and describes the means by which the credibility of the nuclear portion of the strategic deterrent is being preserved even as the role and prominence of these weapons have been reduced.


Author(s):  
O. G. Paramonov

In the face of deteriorating the regional security environment in East Asia, a noticeable growth of Japan’s defense capabilities and Tokyo’s departure from most self-restraints in the field of security policy look quite expected and natural process. At the same time, Japan continues to rely on the alliance with the United States. On the other hand, relations between Washington and Moscow are now at their lowest point since the Cold War. Japan itself has territorial claims to Russia. This means, based on confrontational logic that returns to the international agenda, that Japan’s traditionally reserved attitude towards Russia should be maintained. However, today we are witnessing a different situation. After the start of regular personal meetings between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, the dialogue is intensified on a wide range of issues, including those related to international security, and especially its regional aspect. Although certain background for that was noted before the Sochi meeting between V. Putin and S. Abe, this foreign policy turn, and, in particular, its speed, came as a surprise not only for Tokyo’s Western partners, but also for many Japanese politicians and experts. This article is devoted to the analysis of its possible causes, as well as the search for an answer to the next question.Is the dialogue between Russia and Japan a situational political maneuver or a step towards cooperation on security issues?


2019 ◽  
pp. 133-145
Author(s):  
Alika GUCHUA

The issue of the international security has become more pressing actual in 21st century due to the appearance of new dangers and challenges in the modern world, which were not typical for the previous century. On the background of geopolitical transition, the role of strategic offensive arms and weapons of mass destruction has become more important. In the modern world, it is important to maintain strategic parity on arms when global challenges pose a serious threat to all humanity. In this paper, we discussed the reasons for the cancellation of the Treaty on the Elimination of intermediate-range and short-range missiles of 1987 and the dangers that are threatening the world. The USA and Russia have officially announced that they are starting modernizing and producing ballistic missiles and what is more important, their policies are forcing other countries to produce similar arms. The paper focuses on the security environment of the Baltic, Adriatic and Black Sea regions, the dangers that resulted from the cancellation of the abovementioned agreement. The Politics of Strategic Bullying in the Bipolar Era, the “Cold War” phenomenon and geopolitical processes of New Cold War is also discussed in this paper. Also, discussing the role of strategic offensive arms and defining NATO's role in ensuring international security has an important place in this paper.


Author(s):  
I. A. Svistunova

Security cooperation has always been an important aspect of the relations between Turkey and the USA. In Cold War era Turkish-American interaction within NATO played a crucial role in this cooperation. After that period the two countries began to search for a new model of their relations. Both Turkey and the USA started to use cooperation within NATO for the purpose of strengthening their global positions. At the same time the USA aspiration to use military bases in Turkey beyond NATO obligations frequently becomes a source of disagreement and crises in the relations of the two countries as it happened during the American intervention to Iraq in 2003. At present new challenges for regional security, especially in the Middle East, demands new forms of interaction between Turkey and the USA. The beginning of "the Arab spring" was met in Ankara and Washington with overlapping interest in changing conservative regimes and promoting "Turkish model". At the same time such questions as participation of Turkey in the fight against ISIL and the USA military cooperation with the Syrian Kurds, whom Ankara considers to be connected with the PKK terrorist organization, has brought serious contradictions between the two countries. The cause of these contradiction is the difference in the perception of threats in Turkey and in the Western countries. While the search for new forms of security cooperation meets with difficulties, NATO remains important for the relations between Turkey and the USA, despite traditionally high level of anti-NATO moods in the Turkish society.


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