Ten Years of Instability in a Nuclear South Asia

2008 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Paul Kapur

The tenth anniversary of India's and Pakistan's 1998 nuclear tests enables scholars to revisit the issue of South Asian proliferation with a decade of hindsight. What lessons do the intervening years hold regarding nuclear weapons' impact on South Asian security? Some scholars claim that nuclear weapons had a beneficial effect during this period, helping to stabilize historically volatile Indo-Pakistani relations. Such optimistic analyses of proliferation's regional security impact are mistaken, however. Nuclear weapons have had two destabilizing effects on the South Asian security environment. First, nuclear weapons' ability to shield Pakistan against all-out Indian retaliation, and to attract international attention to Pakistan's dispute with India, encouraged aggressive Pakistani behavior. This, in turn, provoked forceful Indian responses, ranging from large-scale mobilization to limited war. Although the resulting Indo-Pakistani crises did not lead to nuclear or full-scale conventional conflict, such fortunate outcomes were not guaranteed and did not result primarily from nuclear deterrence. Second, these Indo-Pakistani crises led India to adopt a more aggressive conventional military posture toward Pakistan. This development could exacerbate regional security-dilemma dynamics and increase the likelihood of Indo-Pakistani conflict in years to come. Thus nuclear weapons not only destabilized South Asia in the first decade after the nuclear tests; they may damage the regional security environment well into the future.

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (5) ◽  
pp. 589-614
Author(s):  
Zafar Khan

Purpose This paper aims to elaborate in a greater detail about how to manage and eventually help resolve outstanding issues, including the core issue of Kashmir between nuclear India and Pakistan. In doing so, this paper elaborates various innovative measures that could be applicable to South Asian nuclear environment that in turn could assist the South Asian nuclear leadership in understanding and managing the fragility of South Asian nuclear deterrence. Design/methodology/approach Innovatively, this research paper looks at the South Asian nuclear issues at three levels of analysis – understanding the prevailing dynamics of nuclear revolution and improved means of communications and promoting deterrence stability in South Asia. All three levels may be more needed than ever before in the wake of the arrival of nuclear weapons for a broader Southern Asian region. Findings This paper finds out that although nuclear weapons have become a reality in South Asia and these deadly weapons have prevented major wars between India and Pakistan, nuclear weapons have not prevented the crises between India and Pakistan. Therefore, both India and Pakistan have confronted a number of crises. The paper finds out that any serious crisis between India and Pakistan could further undermine the credibility of existing confidence-building measures and the same could escalate from military to nuclear level. Absent from immediate measures undertaken by the South Asian security leadership, nuclear weapons may not help prevent the war between India and Pakistan at the sub-conventional level, this paper finds out. Originality/value By explaining innovative measures at the three level of analysis, this papers adds to the existing literature in understanding the behavior of South Asian security leadership and how these measures could best bring positive results in preventing a major crisis that potentially bears the risk of escalation to nuclear level.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zahid Yaseen ◽  
Iqra Jathol ◽  
Muhammad Muzaffar

Pakistan and India are two immediate neighbors having common history and culture; in this way, they should have the warmest ties, but their relationships have remained hostile all the time. Kashmir is very important between the two states, over which three main wars have been fought between them. Despite some important and effective peace initiatives, the main problems in maintaining the bitter taste in bilateral relations remain unresolved. Pakistan has always been pleased to suggest mitigating measures, but Indias response is generally not so good. Today, more than 70 years after independence, both Pakistan and India are not concerned for solving long lasting issues like the Kashmir issue, and water issue. Peace process and stability in South Asia lies between the two major countries. So, South Asian regional security structure is affected by the two main players of this region because they cannot find a peaceful solution of lingering issues.


2020 ◽  
pp. 43-79
Author(s):  
Daniel S. Markey

This chapter describes the intersection of Chinese, Pakistani, and Indian economic, political, and security interests in South Asia. It introduces a brief history of China’s interaction with South Asia and explains how China now perceives its economic, security, and diplomatic goals in the region. It shows how Pakistanis are divided in their perceptions of China and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, and explains how the military and other establishment figures are likely to gain from closer ties, while liberals and other opposition groups stand to lose. It details how Pakistan benefits from its military ties to China, especially in the areas of nuclear weapons, missiles, and drone technologies, and how China’s diplomatic support shields Pakistan from international pressure. It evaluates that on balance, China’s deepened regional presence and economic, military, and diplomatic assistance to Pakistan will tend to raise tensions with India.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 51-59
Author(s):  
Ashfaque Ali Banbhan ◽  
Hussain Abbas ◽  
Farooque Ahmed Leghari

India and Pakistan have been changing their military doctrines at a faster pace. Indians had been since long focused on the policy of preparing them to fight a full-fledged conventional war against Pakistan. It was the nuclearization of Pakistan that forced them to bring change into Indian military doctrine and focus on a limited war than a full-fledged one. This Indian military tilt pressurized Pakistan to fill the gap at the tactical by introducing low yield nuclear weapons in its arsenal. Furthermore, Indians being restricted to initiate limited war against Pakistan opted for the options of surgical strike and, when failed to gain the desired efforts against Pakistan, opted for airstrikes in 2019, which resulted in a severe crisis. There is still a lot to come in future and bring further changes into the military doctrines of the two countries. This qualitative research gives a detailed discussion on the changing military doctrine of India and Pakistan, adding the views of expert informants.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 143
Author(s):  
Razia Musarrat

Pakistan and India have remained arch rivals since their inception in 1947 fought three major wars with issue of Kashmir as their main bone of contention. Due to its size and population India always had an edge on Pakistan. Pakistan only measure for its territorial integrity was to have a strong deterrence which it achieved in the form of its nuclear weapons. India left Pakistan with no choice. Analytical technique is used while conducting this research for proving that nuclear deterrence was the only way for putting a leash on Indian aggression and constant threat.   * Updated and revised


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-219
Author(s):  
Zahid Shahab Ahmed

South Asia is home to roughly three million refugees and their long-term presence brings enormous challenges. South Asia’s history of colonialism, low economic development, and intra- and inter-state conflicts have contributed to the large-scale refugee movement and the lack of capacity to address the problem. This article examines the history, current activity and potential for regional cooperation in South Asia to address the issue. The article focuses particularly on the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, the structure and culture of the organization and the likelihood of it addressing the politically complex issue of forced migration.


Asian Survey ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (5) ◽  
pp. 813-832 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raja Qaiser Ahmed ◽  
Misbah Arif

India’s quest for space weaponization will have consequences for regional stability. South Asia remains a precarious region given the historical rivalry between India and Pakistan and their posture of mutual deterrence. India’s pursuit of space weaponization and subsequent militarization will trigger an expensive and unnecessary arms race between India and Pakistan, exacerbating the fragility of the South Asian security matrix.


2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vipin Narang

A probe of various regional power nuclear postures reveals that such postures, rather than simply the acquisition of nuclear weapons, can have differential effects on deterrence and stability dynamics. The India-Pakistan dyad is a useful candidate for exploring these various effects because the three regional power nuclear postures—catalytic, assured retaliation, and asymmetric escalation—have interacted with each other in South Asia. In particular, Pakistan's shift from a catalytic posture to an asymmetric escalation posture in 1998 against a continuous Indian assured retaliation posture allows the effects of nuclear posture to be isolated in an enduring rivalry in which many variables can be held constant. The asymmetric escalation posture may be “deterrence optimal” for Pakistan, suggesting that nuclear postures do have different effects on conflict dynamics, but it has also enabled Pakistan to more aggressively pursue longstanding revisionist preferences in India, triggering more frequent and intense crises on the subcontinent. Furthermore, the command and control procedures that Pakistan undertakes to make its asymmetric escalation posture credible amplify this instability. These procedures generate risks to the safety and security of Pakistan's nuclear assets, both at present and as India and Pakistan continue to dynamically evolve nuclear and conventional postures. The conclusions for South Asian and international security of this reality are grim.


Author(s):  
Nazariah Osman ◽  
Debendra Mahalik

The international system becomes conscious of striving for a new security structure in the world, moving away from archaic Cold War paradigms. The modern states are engaged in a process of dialogue and discussion with their friends and partners to help shape a new security environment free of confrontation and strain. India's security cooperation with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) can also include this theme. The nature of the global village has made it necessary to tackle even non-military issues of security in a comprehensive manner in general and those of the region of South and Southeast Asia in particular. India-ASEAN convergence of security interest is not only of great strategic importance for the Southeast Asian region but also for Asian security as a whole. This chapter attempts to view ASEAN-Indian security relations from the perspective of India's ‘Look East Policy' and ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) for regional peace and stability. The present chapter outlines three looming aspects which shaped the outlook for India-ASEAN current security relations: a) complex geo-strategic and security interdependence in the case of conventional security; b) securitisation of non-conventional security threats through institutional mechanisms; c) cooperative security imperative for ‘Greater Asian' security through multilateral engagement. By highlighting current security challenges, this chapter also attempts to look at the possible policy approaches that India and ASEAN may have to adopt so that their security cooperation is not merely sustained but also evolves further into a credible pillar of regional security engagement within the Asian setting.


Author(s):  
Alina Malik

A historic peace deal was reached between the Afghan Taliban and the U.S. government in the hope of ending the decades-old war in Afghanistan. America’s protracted war in Afghanistan is expected to come to an end with the life loss of millions of civilians, thousands of American troops, and billions of dollars. This peace deal is significant in a way that never in history, has a sitting government negotiated with a violent non-state actor, let alone reaching a peace deal with them. This would act as a precedent for such agreements in the future with other non-state actors to restore peace and stability around the globe. However, whether this deal is good enough to sustain peace will be apparent in the future. How the Afghan peace deal will play out in the future is yet to be seen, but the fact that two conflicting parties made it work after years of negotiations is an effort that needs to be acknowledged. The legitimacy of this deal would be derived from the indigenous support from domestic stakeholders and regional powers. The people of Afghanistan have suffered the most in a tug of war between the Taliban and the U.S. government. They deserve a homeland where they can live and work freely without any fear. Thousands of Afghans have been displaced as a result of this war, and this new deal will provide opportunities for the rehabilitation of Afghan refugees. It is high time that Afghanistan closes its woeful war-stricken chapter and embarks upon a road towards development. The Afghan peace deal has the potential to provide stability to an already turbulent South Asian region. With one less threat to deal with, the countries in the region can focus on mitigating other prospective threats to peace and security in South Asia.


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