The Psychology of Sexual Prejudice

2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory M. Herek

Sexual prejudice refers to negative attitudes toward an individual because of her or his sexual orientation. In this article, the term is used to characterize heterosexuals' negative attitudes toward (a) homosexual behavior, (b) people with a homosexual or bisexual orientation, and (c) communities of gay, lesbian, and bisexual people. Sexual prejudice is a preferable term to homophobia because it conveys no assumptions about the motivations underlying negative attitudes, locates the study of attitudes concerning sexual orientation within the broader context of social psychological research on prejudice, and avoids value judgments about such attitudes. Sexual prejudice remains widespread in the United States, although moral condemnation has decreased in the 1990s and opposition to antigay discrimination has increased. The article reviews current knowledge about the prevalence of sexual prejudice, its psychological correlates, its underlying motivations, and its relationship to hate crimes and other antigay behaviors.

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maykel Verkuyten ◽  
Kumar Yogeeswaran

Abstract. Multiculturalism has been criticized and rejected by an increasing number of politicians, and social psychological research has shown that it can lead to outgroup stereotyping, essentialist thinking, and negative attitudes. Interculturalism has been proposed as an alternative diversity ideology, but there is almost no systematic empirical evidence about the impact of interculturalism on the acceptance of migrants and minority groups. Using data from a survey experiment conducted in the Netherlands, we examined the situational effect of promoting interculturalism on acceptance. The results show that for liberals, but not for conservatives, interculturalism leads to more positive attitudes toward immigrant-origin groups and increased willingness to engage in contact, relative to multiculturalism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 100505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander J. Martos ◽  
Adam Fingerhut ◽  
Patrick A. Wilson ◽  
Ilan H. Meyer

Author(s):  
Melanie C. Steffens ◽  
Sabine Preuß

Over the last decades, in many so-called Western countries, the social, political, and legal standing of lesbians, gay men, and bisexual and trans* individuals (henceforth, LGBT* individuals) has considerably improved, and concurrently, attitudes toward these groups have become more positive. Consequently, people are aware that blatantly prejudiced statements are less socially accepted, and thus, negative attitudes toward LGBT* individuals (also referred to as antigay attitudes, sexual prejudice, or homonegativity) and their rights need to be measured in more subtle ways than previously. At the same time, discrimination and brutal hate crimes toward LGBT* individuals still exist (e.g., Orlando shooting, torture of gay men in Chechnya). Attitudes are one of the best predictors of overt behavior. Thus, examining attitudes toward LGBT* individuals in an adequate way helps to predict discriminatory behavior, to identify underlying processes, and to develop interventions to reduce negative attitudes and thus, ultimately, hate crimes. The concept of attitudes is theoretically postulated to consist of three components (i.e., the cognitive, affective, and behavioral attitude components). Further, explicit and implicit attitude measures are distinguished. Explicit measures directly ask participants to state their opinions regarding the attitude object and are thus transparent, they require awareness, and they are subject to social desirability. In contrast, implicit measures infer attitudes indirectly from observed behavior, typically from reaction times in different computer-assisted tasks; they are therefore less transparent, they do not require awareness, and they are less prone to socially desirable responding. With regard to explicit attitude measures, old-fashioned and modern forms of prejudice have been distinguished. When it comes to measuring LGBT* attitudes, measures should differentiate between attitudes toward different sexual minorities (as well as their rights). So far, research has mostly focused on lesbians and gay men; however, there is increasing interest in attitudes toward bisexual and trans* individuals. Also, attitude measures need to be able to adequately capture attitudes of more or less prejudiced segments of society. To measure attitudes toward sexual minorities adequately, the attitude measure needs to fulfill several methodological criteria (i.e., to be psychometrically sound, which means being reliable and valid). In order to demonstrate the quality of an attitude measure, it is essential to know the relationship between scores on the measure and important variables that are known to be related to LGBT* attitudes. Different measures for LGBT* attitudes exist; which one is used should depend on the (research) purpose.


MEST Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 166-174
Author(s):  
Ivan Pontiff ◽  
Walter Block

We wrestle with the issue of whether or not discrimination, in favor of or against straight and gay people can account for wage divergences between these two groups of people. Section II is devoted to empirical evidence supporting the existence of a discrimination wage gap due to sexual orientation. The majority of studies provided have concluded that sexual orientation diminishes wages for homosexual and bisexual men, whereas it increases wage premiums for homosexual women. Discrimination due to sexual orientation, specifically homo/bisexual males, is present in foreign labor markets as well as in the United States. In these calculations, all other factors, such as age, education, race, marital status, etc., are identified and taken into consideration when calculating the effect of sexuality on wage differences. Section III strives to explain why the discrimination wage gap cannot exist through a theoretical approach. In equilibrium, sexual preference can play no role whatsoever in wage gaps. We are never in full equilibrium, but the “expected value” is that we are always exactly on point, in the absence of any reason to expect over or underestimating prices or wages. We expect that discrimination cannot account for gay people being paid less than straights, assuming equal productivity. At equilibrium, these economic boycotts are impotent due to profit opportunities. We conclude leaving the reader to decide which perspective is more true.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062110240
Author(s):  
Rotem Kahalon ◽  
Verena Klein ◽  
Inna Ksenofontov ◽  
Johannes Ullrich ◽  
Stephen C. Wright

Psychology research from Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) countries, especially from the United States, receives more scientific attention than research from non-WEIRD countries. We investigate one structural way that this inequality might be enacted: mentioning the sample's country in the article title. Analyzing the current publication practice of four leading social psychology journals (Study 1) and conducting two experiments with U.S. American and German students (Study 2), we show that the country is more often mentioned in articles with samples from non-WEIRD countries than those with samples from WEIRD countries (especially the United States) and that this practice is associated with less scientific attention. We propose that this phenomenon represents a (perhaps unintentional) form of structural discrimination, which can lead to underrepresentation and reduced impact of social psychological research done with non-WEIRD samples. We outline possible changes in the publication process that could challenge this phenomenon.


2017 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrique Pereira ◽  
Juan Pedro Serrano ◽  
Brian de Vries ◽  
Graça Esgalhado ◽  
Rosa Marina Afonso ◽  
...  

Aims and Objectives The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions toward aging among Portuguese gay and bisexual men over 60 years old. Background Despite the growth of the older population, and the increased visibility and acceptance of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people in Western countries, the experience of aging in older gay and bisexual men is only beginning to be understood. Design We used a qualitative research methodology, based on critical gerontology, for establishing research questions and to identify the perspectives on the aging process in older gay and bisexual individuals. Methods We used a structured electronic inquiry with 25 gay and bisexual men over 60 years of age from Portugal. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis to help identify repeated patterns of meaning in the data set. Results The recurrent themes in the narratives of the aging experiences of the participants in the study were as follows: positive perceptions of aging, negative perceptions of aging, coping with being a gay/bisexual man and family ties, professional care, homophobia/discrimination, relationships and social support, intergenerational differences, mediating role of sexual orientation, sociopolitical changes, and personal characteristics. Conclusion Analysis of perceptions about the aging process in older gay and bisexual men emphasized the desire for normalization in the social awareness of sexual orientation. It is important to continue doing research on this topic and disseminate this information among professionals who work with older lesbian, gay, and bisexual people so that they may better understand how they can meet the specific needs of this population.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 359-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary W. Harper ◽  
Pedro A. Serrano ◽  
Douglas Bruce ◽  
Jose A. Bauermeister

One emerging avenue for the exploration of adolescents’ sexual orientation identity development is the Internet, since it allows for varying degrees of anonymity and exploration. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to examine the role of the Internet in facilitating the sexual orientation identity development process of gay and bisexual male adolescents. Qualitative interviews were conducted with an ethnically diverse sample of 63 gay/bisexual male adolescents (ages 15-23). Participants reported using a range of Internet applications as they explored and came to accept their sexual orientation identity, with the intended purpose and degree of anonymity desired determining which applications were used. Youth reported that the Internet provided a range of functions with regard to the exploration and acceptance of their sexual orientation identity, including (1) increasing self-awareness of sexual orientation identity, (2) learning about gay/bisexual community life, (3) communicating with other gay/bisexual people, (4) meeting other gay/bisexual people, (5) finding comfort and acceptance with sexual orientation, and (6) facilitating the coming out process. Future research and practice may explore the Internet as a platform for promoting the healthy development of gay and bisexual male adolescents by providing a developmentally and culturally appropriate venue for the exploration and subsequent commitment to an integrated sexual orientation identity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 174-174
Author(s):  
Adena Galinsky ◽  
Karen Fredriksen Goldsen ◽  
James Dahlhamer ◽  
Tina Norris

Abstract Sleep problems may increase the risk for, and result from, other health problems and negatively impact quality of life. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual older adults report more sleep problems compared to their straight counterparts when such problems are measured in the aggregate (e.g. “one or more of four specific sleep problems”). However, scant national research has examined if specific types of sleep problems vary by sexual orientation among older adults. Using 2015-2018 National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) data, we used logistic regression to separately model five sleep problems among women 50+ and men 50+ (lesbian/gay women: n=377, bisexual women: n=142, straight women: n=33,216; gay men: n=508, bisexual men: n=115, straight men: n=25,998) as functions of sexual orientation, controlling for age, race, education, and income. Sexual minority older adults were more likely than their straight counterparts to have taken sleep medication in the past week (women AOR=2.04, 95% CI:1.55, 2.67; men AOR=1.81, 95% CI:1.36, 2.40). The only other difference by sexual orientation found for men was bisexual older men’s greater likelihood, compared to straight men, of having difficulty falling asleep (AOR=2.02, 95% CI: 1.08, 3.79). Older women did not differ by sexual orientation in difficulty falling asleep, difficulty staying asleep, or waking up not feeling rested for four or more days in the past week, or meeting National Sleep Foundation recommendations for hours of sleep per night, whether lesbian/gay and bisexual women were examined together or disaggregated. Future research may examine why sleep quality only sometimes varies by sexual orientation.


Demography ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danya Lagos ◽  
D'Lane Compton

Abstract In 2018, the General Social Survey (GSS) asked some respondents for their sex assigned at birth and current gender identity, in addition to the ongoing practice of having survey interviewers code respondent sex. Between 0.44% and 0.93% of the respondents who were surveyed identified as transgender, identified with a gender that does not conventionally correspond to the sex they were assigned at birth, or identified the sex they were assigned at birth inconsistently with the interviewer's assessment of respondent sex. These results corroborate previous estimates of the transgender population size in the United States. Furthermore, the implementation of these new questions mirrors the successful inclusion of other small populations represented in the GSS, such as lesbian, gay, and bisexual people, as well as Muslims, Buddhists, and Hindus. Data on transgender and gender-nonconforming populations can be pooled together over time to assess these populations' attitudes, beliefs, behaviors, and social inequality patterns. We identified inconsistencies between interviewer-coded sex, self-reported sex, and gender identity. As with the coding of race in the GSS, interviewer-coded assessments can mismatch respondents' self-reported identification. Our findings underscore the importance of continuing to ask respondents to self-report gender identity separately from sex assigned at birth in the GSS and other surveys.


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