scholarly journals Perspekif Orientalisme Tentang Islam di Borneo (Orientalism Perspective About Islam in Borneo)

Author(s):  
Hashim Fauzy Yaacob

Western Orientalists works about Islam in Borneo can be divided into two groups, first, traveler, priest or journalist like Horace St. John and Snouck Hurgronje. Some of them can speak and write in Malay. Snouck Hogranje was one of the influential authors who contributed to the formation of many Dutch policies in Indonesia. The second group is the imperialist leaders comprising administrators or colonial officials such as Stamford Raffles, Spenser St. John and Hugh Low who made a policies but they also sometimes write a books that refered by travelers. James Brooke as an example makes Raffles works as a reference to understand the Malays and the situation in the archipelago. There are orientalists who elaborate or do an objective research about people of Borneo. Otherwise, there are many unobjective interpretations, bias, prejudice about ruling system, socio-cultural system, the Malay-Muslim community and Islam itself to discredit Islam and the indigenous population. One of the most prominent perspectives on Islam in Borneo is the use of the term "mohammadenism" to refer to Islam. This concept is also used in official meeting of colonial governments such as Sarawak State Council. Base on this premise, this work will describe an orientalist view of Islam in Borneo based on historical sources.

Author(s):  
Fraser Hunter

Britannia’s northern frontier varied considerably over the Roman period, stabilizing only in the early third century. This variation leads to a fascinating archaeological record of the changing Roman military presence and its relation to the local population. This chapter examines the local Iron Age societies, considers military aspects of the invasion, and presents a wider view of life on the frontier. It then turns to the relationship between the indigenous population and Rome over four centuries. Historical sources for conflict indicate an uneasy relationship, but archaeological evidence uncovers other aspects: Roman material culture found varied uses in Iron Age societies, while the long and often difficult relationship had a series of unexpected consequences on both sides.


Prawo ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 327 ◽  
pp. 269-283
Author(s):  
Jevgenij Machovenko ◽  
Haroldas Šinkūnas

The problems of court relations with the other branches forming the constitutional triad of powers the legislative and the executive as well as judicial independence are among the most sensitive issues, which never lose their relevance. The article deals with the problems by reference to the constitutional and ordinary law of 1918–1920, the circulars of the Ministry of Justice, other legislation, as well as research papers. A retrospective analysis of certain issues is also presented by way of establishing links with the Constitution of 3 May 1791 and other historical sources of law. The co-authors have arrived at the conclusion that, while refl ecting general observance of the principle of separation of powers and the intention to ensure judicial independence, the Founding Principles of 1918 and 1919, adopted by the State Council, and the Interim Constitution of 1920, adopted by the Constituent Assembly, enshrined the legislative and the executive powers explicitly but judicial power only implicitly the texts do not even mention courts and the respective principle is derived from the others. Due to the severe shortage of lawyers in 1918–1920, judges were allowed to serve in the executive branch at the same time. The Ministry of Justice explained the law to judges, while judges assisted the executive such as the police in discharging their functions. All that contradicted the principles of separation of powers and judicial independence but was accepted as an unavoidable and temporary arrangement. The Ministry of Justice tried to avoid abusing its power and harming the dignity of the judicial system’s employees by intrusive oversight, and acted in their regard as discretely as possible. It encouraged judicial independence and activism and demonstrated confi dence in the courts.


1976 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lamin Sanneh

This article describes the independent contribution of pacific clerics to Islamic diffusion in West Africa. The particular role of Serakhullé (or Soninké) clerics, better known as Jakhanké, is examined in detail. The Jakhanké became a distinct clerical caste among the Serakhullé, initially through the work of al-Ḥājj Salim Suwaré who led them first at Diakha-Masina and eventually at Diakha-Bambukhu, where they lost a good deal of their Serakhullé cultural traits. Henceforth they acquired a self-consciously Islamic image alongside an increasing identification with the Manding culture. Al-Ḥājj Salim (floruit twelfth–thirteenth century) founded the clerical vocation on a principled disavowal of jihād and withdrawal from political/secular centres. He also established travel as essential to the clerical life. Since his time the Jakhanké have been characterized by dispersion, although the dispersion trail has also connected numerous centres into an effective network of clerical expansion. The career of ‘Abd al-Raḥmān Jakhité, a member of the Jakhanké community, illustrates the range of clerical outreach. He and his community eventually settled in Kano in the reign of Muḥammad Rimfa (1463–99) and helped consolidate Islam in Hausaland. On this kind of evidence, it is suggested that the pattern of Islamic clerical diffusion can be discerned at an early stage, although historical sources have tended to fuse the themes of Islamic expansion, commercial activity and a resident foreign Muslim community. However, the Jakhanké clerical tradition is sufficiently secure for it to be studied independently, without assuming a corresponding degree of commercial or foreign Muslim influence. In conclusion, the implications of these findings for research into Islamic diffusion in West Africa are outlined.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-58
Author(s):  
Mohd Afandi Bin Mat Rani

This paper tries to analyze the fatwa regarding issues of hand over of waqf lands to the State Authorities which have been going on since the year 1951 to 2006. Though it may only focus on several states in Malaysia, such revelations can act as strong exemplary of the current and overall fatwa that has been issued by the authorized party. This is due to the idea that the approaches and development of fatwa are very much similar to each other. However, fatwa regarding the law of hand over of waqf lands by the government are rarely discussed and are often decided by the State Fatwa Committee as well as the National Fatwa Committee. Despite the hand over as an intention for country’s development, the procedures in dealing with this issue are not correctly applied as approved by the Mufti nor is it referred to Islamic State Council or ‘Majlis Agama Islam Negeri’ (MAIN), including the waqf lands entrusted to the Muslim community. This could be the effect of Land Acquisition Act 1960 which stood out more than its counterpart; MAIN, though the latter being the only authorized endowment trustee in Malaysia. This paper addresses various issues on constraints of waqf procedures and suggestions in improving its effectiveness.


2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 104-107
Author(s):  
Saheed Ahmad Rufai

The thesis of this sophisticated book is that the rebirth of an Islamic identity can only be realized through a decisive replication of the Muslim community created through strict adherence to and implementation of the Qur’anic worldview. The specific details provided by AbdulHamid AbuSulayman in his attempt to present this thesis as credible and worthy of merit invariably expose the work as one of synthesis and the lifetime project of an intellectual who is being propelled by his wanderlust for paving the way for the Muslims’ return to the golden age of the Islamic heritage. For instance, he describes this book as his “extended reflection on the Islamic worldview” (p. xv), around which his scholarship and personal experience have revolved. He also cites this reflection as the reason why he has “grappled with … issues” relating to it from his early days and has continued to promote the same line of thought throughout his “writing career that extended half a century” (p. xx). The book is divided into five chapters. In chapter 1, the author discusses the relationship between the Qur’anic worldview and human nature. He bases his argument on the premise that “every cultural system is associated with an underlying worldview which is translated into action by means of a particular ...


Author(s):  
Alka Domić Kunić

After conquering the Iapodean center Metulum in 35 BC, Octavian (soon to be Emperor Augustus) set forth towards Segesta with his legions “through the land of the Paeonians not yet conquered by the Romans” (App. Illyr. IV, 22). Appian’s Paeonians were actually the Pannonians, and this paper aims to show that this community was also known as the Colapiani. The land of the Pannonians was located between Octavian’s two main strategic goals (Metulum and Segesta) and it’s reasonable to assume that Octavian wanted to put this land under Roman control as well. According to Appian, Octavian first hoped for a peaceful surrender, but the land of the Pannonians, in the end, had to be conquered by means of armed conflict. The territory of the Pannonians (Appian’s Paeonians) is outlined by ancient written sources and yet insufficient archaeological explorations. Octavian’s legions could have reached Segesta from Metulum following two directions: the valleys of the Mrežnica and Kupa rivers (northern direction 125 km long) or the valley of the Glina river (eastern direction 100 km long). This other direction is more probable because it’s shorter and suitable for army march. The rivers Mrežnica, Korana, and Glina belong to the basin of the Kupa river which revealed evidence of the Colapiani whose name literally means “those who live by the Kupa river.” The majority of historical resources that directly or indirectly mention Octavian’s military campaign in 35 BC (Tibullus, Ovid, Livy, Strabo) are contemporaries with the war and reflect a contemporary perception of the ethnic situation in the Pannonian Interfluve, an area between the Drava and Sava rivers. Florus and Appian are about 150 years younger, but the first authored the summary of Livy’s History, whereas the latter mostly rewrote from Octavian’s memoirs. All of these sources mention the Pannonians and the Segestani, the inhabitants of the Pannonian center of Segesta. Cassius Dio also mentions the Pannonians, but from the perspective of his own time (2nd/3rd century) when that term stands for “the inhabitants of the Roman province of Pannonia.” Pliny the Elder and Claudius Ptolemy are the only ones mentioning the Colapiani in the context of the already organized Roman province. The Colapiani were also mentioned on several Roman inscriptions in an entirely Roman context (as members of Roman auxiliary units). This paper aims to establish whether the Pannonian name referred to the entire Interfluve ever since the first known mention of the Pannonians by Polybius in the 2nd century BC (Polyb. frg. 64) or it extended from the western part after Octavian’s conquest. The author believes that the name Colapiani, attested in an entirely Roman context (members of one of civitates peregrinae), was locally used even before the Roman conquest and that was taken over by Rome from the indigenous population, and author’s question is how to interpret the relationship between the Pannonians and the Colapiani. One  possibility is that the Pannonians mentioned by historical sources refers to some sort of military and political alliance in the Interfluve, and that the Colapiani (probably the leading community in the western part of the Interfluve) are one of these communities. It is possible that this community was named Pannonians, but that the name Colapiani was descriptive in the already mentioned context – “those by the Kupa river.”


2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brook Bolander

AbstractThe adoption of English as the official language of the transnational Ismaili Muslim community has its roots in the British Raj, which provides the backdrop for recent Ismaili history. Yet it is the Aga Khan IV, spiritual leader of the community since 1957, who has most avidly pushed English as part of a ‘language policy’. Drawing on Ismaili discourse published online, historical sources, secondary literature, and data collected during ethnographic fieldwork in Northern Pakistan and Eastern Tajikistan, this article addresses how English emerged as the community's official language, how and why it was made integral to the community's transnational infrastructure, and what English means to Ismailis living in a village in Hunza, Northern Pakistan and the city of Khorog, Eastern Tajikistan. It thereby underscores that identity and infrastructure emerge as entangled, and it reflects upon the implications of this relationship for research on English and Islam, and language and transnationalism. (Transnationalism, English, Ismaili, Pakistan, Tajikistan, identity, infrastructure, Islam)*


ALQALAM ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 161
Author(s):  
MUFTI ALI

  This paper is written to answer two main questions (1) how many were there 'the fruits' of literate movement in Banten, especially as reflected in literature written in Roman scripts (2) whether the rise of 'those fruits' is corelated with the geographical dispersion and intensive growth of the number of the alumni of so called Dutch School? To deal with these two main questions, the present writer will discuss two sub-topics: first, the degree of literacy of Banten indigenous population, and secondly, a number of accessible literatures which were published in 1900-1942, fruits' of the competency of reading and writing of literate group of Bantenese population. Historical approach applied in this study necessitate the present writer to undertake the fallowing steps: (1) heuristical, gathering relevant historical sources and data, (2) data intetpretation, and (3) historiography or historical naration. The reconstruction of those two sub-topics are solely based on the availability of primary sources, collected from National Library and National Archives of Indonesian Republic (PERPUSNAS and ANRI), both in Jakarta. The conclusion which can be taken in this study is that (first), despite of the fact that Banten is recorded as one of residences in Java with the lowest degree of literacy among its population, the product of literacy of its people is quite rich and quality. Secondly, there was a corelation between the growth of the number of alumni of the dutch school and the degree of the productiviry in literate movement. Keywords: literate movement, alumni, Dutch school, Banten


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